Osmanll Devleti'ni Kuzey Afrika'da Kallcclaattran Sefer: Tunus Savaaa (1574) (Military Expedition That Made the Ottoman Empire Perpetual in North Africa: Battle of Tunis (1574))

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmet Kavas
Keyword(s):  
Journeys ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-153

Orhan Pamuk, Istanbul: Memories of a City Fiona SmythGerald MacLean (ed.), Re-Orienting the Renaissance. Cultural Exchanges with the East Clifford Edmund Bosworth, An Intrepid Scot. William Lithgow of Lanark’s Travels in the Ottoman Lands, North Africa and Central Europe, 1609–21 Alex Drace-FrancisDaniel Carey (ed.), Asian Travel in the Renaissance John E. Wills, Jr.Gerald M. MacLean, The Rise of Oriental Travel: English Visitors to the Ottoman Empire, 1580–1720 Felipe Fernández-ArmestoDebbie Lisle, The Global Politics of Contemporary Travel Writing Benjamin J. MullerBassam Tayara, Le Japon et les Arabes. La vision du Monde Arabe au Japon, des époques anciennes jusqu’au tournant de Meiji Elisabeth AllèsAlain Roussillon, Identité et Modernité – Les voyageurs égyptiens au Japon Bassam TayaraBenoit de L’Estoile, Federico Neiburg, and Lygia Sigaud (eds.), Empires, Nations, and Natives: Anthropology and State-Making Talal Asad


Author(s):  
N.R. Krayushkin

Abstract In the 16th and 17th centuries Ottoman Turks conquered most countries of the Middle East and North Africa and reached Vienna. As а result, the power of Istanbul was established in the heterogeneous spaces of the Mediterranean. The seized territories in Europe became part of Dar al-Islam, increasing the area of direct spread of the Arab-Muslim spiritual tradition. In this context, the journey in search for knowledge (rihla) acquired special significance it contributed to the intensification of cultural and intellectual life of the Ottoman society and establishment of its ideological unity. The author examines the materials from the treatises of Medina theologian Muhammad Kibrit, Istanbul explorer Evliya Celebi and Damascus Sufi Abd al-Ghani al-Nablusi, who travelled through the territory of the Ottoman Empire in the 17th century, to explore the main pilgrimage routes and cultural centers of the region. The goal of this article is to analyze the content of civilizational exchange and to identify basic characteristics of new Ottoman cultural experience.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 295-341
Author(s):  
Deniz Beyazit

Abstract This article discusses The Met’s unpublished Dalāʾil al-khayrāt—2017.301—(MS New York, TMMA 2017.301), together with a group of comparable manuscripts. The earliest known dated manuscript within the corpus, it introduces several iconographic elements that are new to the Dalāʾil, and which compare with the traditions developing in the Mashriq and the Ottoman world in particular. The article discusses Dalāʾil production in seventeenth-century North Africa and its development in the Ottoman provinces, Tunisia, and/or Algeria. The manuscripts illustrate how an Ottoman visual apparatus—among which the theme of the holy sanctuaries at Mecca and Medina, appearing for the first time in MS New York, TMMA 2017.301—is established for Muhammadan devotion in Maghribī Dalāʾils. The manuscripts belong to the broader historic, social, and artistic contexts of Ottoman North Africa. Our analysis captures the complex dynamics of Ottomanization of the North African provinces of the Ottoman Empire, remaining strongly rooted in their local traditions, while engaging with Ottoman visual idioms.


2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Cronin

In the first decades of the nineteenth century, when the Middle East and North Africa first began to attract the sustained attention of European imperialism and colonialism, Arab, Ottoman Turkish, and Iranian polities began a protracted experiment with army modernization. These decades saw a mania in the Middle East for the import of European methods of military organization and techniques of warfare. Everywhere, in the Ottoman Empire, North Africa, Egypt, and Iran, nizam-i jadid (new order) regiments sprang up, sometimes on the ruins of older military formations, sometimes alongside them, unleashing a process of military-led modernization that was to characterize state-building projects throughout the region until well into the twentieth century. The ruling dynasties in these regions embarked on army reform in a desperate effort to strengthen their defensive capacity, and to resist growing European hegemony and direct or indirect control by imitating European methods of military organization and warfare. Almost every indigenous ruler who succeeded in evading or warding off direct European control, from the sultans of pre-Protectorate Morocco in the west to the shahs of the Qajar dynasty in Iran in the east, invited European officers, sometimes as individuals, sometimes as formal missions, to assist with building a modern army. With the help of these officers, Middle Eastern rulers thus sought to appropriate the secrets of European power.


2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 153-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natividad Planas

Usually seen as actors with limited political agency, captives and slaves are, in this essay, at the core of complex diplomatic negotiations between two political authorities in a cross-confessional context. The case study presents a group of enslaved Christians in Algiers at the beginning of the seventeenth century working to restore a disrupted communication system between Spain and a rebel Muslim lord at war with the Ottomans. This lord, called Amar ben Amar bel Cadi, ruled the tiny city of Kuko and its region in the Djurdjura range (in present-day Kabylia). The goal of the Spanish military collaboration with him was to take Algiers and weaken the Ottoman Empire in North Africa. The paper argues that the captives’ initiative must be understood both as diplomacy “from below” and as a cross-confessional model of loyalty. Furthermore, it compels us to re-think the agency of actors in imperial encounters and to reject the topos—often implicit in contemporary historical essays—that religious affiliation conditioned political loyalty.


2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-165
Author(s):  
Linda T. Darling

Halil İnalcık was born in Istanbul, the capital of the Ottoman Empire, into a refugee family, probably in 1916 (he did not know his birthday; in Turkey he adopted 29 May, in the US 4 July). He died at age 100 in Ankara on 25 July 2016, as the premier Ottoman historian in the world. To quote one of his students, “Professor İnalcık transformed the field of Ottoman studies from an obscure and exotic subfield into one of the leading historical disciplines that covers the history of the greater Middle East and North Africa as well as the Balkans from the late medieval to the modern period. He set the tone of debate and critical inquiry from the early modern to the modern period.” Born an Ottoman, he made Ottoman studies a crucial part of world history.


Author(s):  
James McDougall

Early modern Ottoman and European political cultures had more in common than is conventionally admitted. It was the dissolution of their shared world that produced accounts of the rise of democracy as an exclusively European story. In fact, through the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the pattern of commonalities and differences remained complex, as contests over sovereignty, representation, popular movements, and forms of rule played out in uneven, changing, but still entangled worlds. Baki Tezcan’s model of a relatively participatory early modern empire provides a suggestive framework for understanding developments through the early nineteenth century. The fraying of authority and diverse reform attempts after 1780 prompted struggles over more and less accountable ways of ‘reviving’ the empire, and produced new forms of popular politics. Though in the 1860s Young Ottomans began to develop a vision of an Ottoman ‘democratic’ future, ultimately, from the 1880s, a top-down, dirigiste approach triumphed.


2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tal Shuval

By the late seventeenth century, Algeria and Tunisia had established regimes that were largely independent of Ottoman sovereignty in almost every regard, although the Porte continued, in strictly legal terms, to exert minimal rights of sovereignty.        Michel Le Gall1But, let there be no mistake: the more a regency of Barbary has become fearsome to the Christian princes, the more the Sultan is its absolute master. He had only to utter a word to end an unjust war and fix even the terms for peace.        Jean-Michel Venture de Paradis2Separated by two centuries, these two quotations describe the role of the Ottoman Empire in North Africa in very different—indeed, contradictory—terms. On the one hand, Ottoman North Africa is depicted as a region where independent political entities emerged out of a century of Ottoman rule, ready as it were for the eventual emergence of nation-states in the 20th century. Venture de Paradis's earlier description, however, is devoid of the hindsight gained by our knowledge of the “end of the story.” It tells us that by the end of the 18th century, contrary to the contemporary accepted view of the remoteness of the Maghribi “regencies” from the imperial center in Istanbul, the three Ottoman provinces of North Africa were indeed an integral part of the Ottoman Empire, and the rulers of these provinces were obedient subjects of the Sublime Porte.


1991 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-330
Author(s):  
Ernest Gellner

The shadow of islamic fundamentalism hovers over all of North Africa, notwithstanding the profound differences between the historic fates of the various Maghrebin countries.Algeria suffered by far the longest and most disruptive colonial period, In fact, Algeria had been colonized by the Ottoman empire before it had begun its French colonial period in 1830. A prolonged and brutal war of conquest was eventually followed by the establishment of a large European population, which acquired effective local political control under the Third Republic. Result: pre-colonial social institutions were largely destroyed, and Algerian society consisted mainly of a pulverized and oppressed rural proletariat. There were exceptions: a Muslim bourgeoisie survived in some centres such as Tlemsen, Constantine and even Algiers itself vigorous local institutions survived in the Berber hills and a few other places. But all in all, one could say that there were neither traditional institutions nor any Algerian nation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 59
Author(s):  
Suat Zeyrek ◽  
Metin İlhan

<p><strong>Italy's Politics in the Balkans and the Ottoman Empire after National Unity</strong></p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Italy frequently had obliged to change its policy against Ottoman Empire after setting up the national unity until the Balkan War. The setting up of Italy's political unity in a very late date like 1870 caused to be late in colonialism. But United Italy was emerging as a new global power. Even if this power was not sufficient, it accelerated the developments changing the balances. In a short time, Italy had become a considered country in the seeking of colonialism after Germany. Italy with Germany forced other western states to follow new strategies and began the first colonial enterprise with Ethiopia, but this independent country has not been able to become colonize. Italy undertook to gain a place in European politics with the Treaty of Triple Alliance in 1882. It began looking for the spreading ways in North Africa and the Balkans. In this article, I focus on that how Italy easily acquired the support of European states through its politics of territory of Ottoman Empire and process of attaining its objective.</p><p><strong>İtalya'nın Milli Birlik Sonrasında Osmanlı Devleti ve Balkan Siyaseti</strong></p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>İtalya, milli birliğini kurduktan sonra Balkan Savaşı’na kadar Osmanlı Devleti’ne karşı takip ettiği politikalarında sık sık değişiklikler yapmak zorunda kalmıştı. İtalya’nın siyasi birliğini 1870 gibi çok geç tarihlerde kurması sömürgecilikte geç kalmasına neden olmuştu. Fakat birleşik İtalya yeni bir küresel güç olarak ortaya çıkıyordu. Bu güç yeterli olmasa da dengeleri değiştirecek gelişmeleri hızlandırdı. İtalya kısa bir süre içinde sömürgecilik arayışında Almanya’dan sonra dikkate alınır bir ülke oldu. Özellikle Almanya ile birlikte diğer batılı devletleri yeni stratejiler izlemeye zorladılar. İtalya ilk sömürge girişimine Habeşistan’la başlamış ancak bu bağımsız devletin koloni haline getirilmesi mümkün olmadı. İtalya 1882’de Üçlü İttifak Antlaşması ile Avrupa siyasetinde bir yer edinme arayışına girdi. Kuzey Afrika ve Balkanlar’da genişleme yollarını aramaya başladı. Bu makalede İtalya’nın Osmanlı topraklarına yönelik takip ettiği politikalarda Avrupalı devletlerin desteğini nasıl kolaylıkla sağladığı ve hedeflerine ulaşması süreci üzerinde durulacaktır. İtalya hem Trablusgarp hem de On iki Ada hem de Balkanlar üzerinde takip ettiği politikalarda Batılı devletlerin desteğini almada hiç zorlanmış değildi. </p>


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