A Comparison of a New Index Based on the Media Pluralism Monitor with Some Other Indices Ranking Freedom of Expression

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elda Brogi ◽  
Pier Luigi Parcu
Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (55) ◽  
pp. 285-307
Author(s):  
Maciej Miżejewski

The Political Consequences of the Amendments to the Media Laws in Poland in 2015-2016Public media in Poland have become the subject of strong political pressure from the current government. This is demonstrated by the legislative initiatives undertaken to take full control of the circulation of information by the executive. According to the opposition, as well as the European institutions (the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights, Council of Europe) the implemented legislative solutions posed a threat to media pluralism, constitutional guarantees of freedom of expression, and their task is only to consolidate power. Depriving the public media of the function of the public debate forum makes them an instrument in the hands of government administration.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-176
Author(s):  
Konrad Bleyer-Simon

During the first wave of the Coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic of 2020, the Hungarian government has increased its control over the flow of official information. Its actions were justified with the aim of stopping the spread of misinformation and rumours that could jeopardize its efforts to successfully tackle the pandemic. However, media practitioners, watchdogs and politicians in Hungary and abroad criticized the measures for their adverse effects on the right to information, the freedom of expression, and especially for their potential chilling effect on the work of journalists. This interview-based study examines how journalists in digital newsrooms have perceived the measures imposed during the pandemic, and how those have impacted their daily work. As evidence from digital newsrooms shows, the malign policy had only limited adverse effects on the work of newsrooms. Media pluralism, however, was further decreased in the country through the governing political elite’s interference in the media economy.


Author(s):  
Elda Brogi

Media pluralism is an essential feature and pillar of contemporary democracies. It is a corollary of the right to freedom of expression, as guaranteed by European national constitutions, as well as by the Convention for the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms (art. 10) and by the Charter of fundamental rights of the European Union (art. 11). Ensuring a plural media environment is a precondition for democracy and may be seen as a policy goal. The availability and accessibility of diverse information and views create the conditions for citizens to form and express their opinions and participate in the democratic debate in an informed way. Due to technological developments and the rapid rise of digital platforms intermediating online content, the concept of media pluralism has been reinterpreted at both academic and policy level, taking into account the recent structural changes in the media sector. The Media pluralism monitor is a methodology to assess the risks to media pluralism, based on a set of 20 indicators covering a broad definition of media pluralism and, therefore, having a holistic perspective. The recent implementations of the tool have taken into account in particular the risks stemming from the online environment while maintaining a holistic approach to conceptualizing standards and benchmarks for the indicators.


Obiter ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rehana Cassim

In SOS Support Public Broadcasting Coalition v South African Broadcasting Corporation SOC Limited; SOS Support Public Broadcasting Coalition v South African Broadcasting Corporation SOC Limited ((81056/14) [2017] ZAGPJHC 289 (17 October 2017)) (SOS Support Public Broadcasting Coalition v SABC), the Gauteng Local Division, Johannesburg was faced with two applications brought against the South African Broadcasting Corporation SOC Limited (the SABC) by the SOS: Support Public Broadcasting Coalition, the Freedom of Expression Institute and the Trustees of the Media Monitoring Project Benefit Trust. The Minister of Communications (the Minister) and Mr Hlaudi Motsoeneng (the former chief operations officer of the SABC) were, inter alia, joined as respondents. Both applications related to the constitutionality and lawfulness of the powers exercised by the Minister in respect of the directors of the SABC board. The applications were instituted against a “background of systematic and repeated failures in the governance and management of the SABC”.The first application concerned the lawfulness of the powers vested in the Minister by virtue of the amended Memorandum of Incorporation (MOI) of the SABC (the amended MOI) and the SABC Board Charter (the Charter) in respect of the appointment, discipline and suspension of the executive directors of the SABC. The second application concerned the power of the Minister to remove the executive and non-executive directors of the SABC board from office. The focus of this note is on the second application, although the first application will also be addressed, albeit briefly. This note evaluates the judgment in this case, and its implications for state-owned companies.


Author(s):  
Tasaddaq Hussain Qureshi ◽  
Prof. Dr. Muhammad Aslam Pervez

This paper focuses on the frames; through which execution of Mumtaz Qadri’s editorialized by the Urdu print media of Pakistan. Eighteen editorials on the selected topic, from March 1, 2016, to April 1, 2016, are selected as a sample from five leading national newspapers viz. Jang, Nawa-e-Waqt, Ausaf, Ummat, and Islam. Freedom of expression and blasphemy depicted through consistency and discord frames is explored with the help of Galtung’s peace and violence journalism indicators. The content analysis approach is applied, with the Framing theory providing theoretical background. It has been found that Media portrayed the issue through discord frame as a dominant frame, which approved the notion of Galtung that media usually portray the conflicts through violence journalism frame. It also approved that the media have not continued framing by a uniform pace. They play an active role in opinion formation of a public. With the passage of time media changed their framing tone from discord to the consistency frames. This proves that media is conscious to enjoy the right of freedom of expression with reference to the blasphemy, in such a volatile situation.


Author(s):  
O. Vasylchenko

Ukrainian law guarantees freedom of speech and expression. This is in line with international and regional instruments (Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Declaration of Human Rights) to which Ukraine is a party. Unfortunately, Ukraine is no exception, due to the conflict with the Russian Federation. The Revolution of Dignity of 2014 and the subsequent illegal activities of the neighbouring state (annexation of Crimea, occupation of the territories in the South-East of Ukraine) affected the legislative and regulatory framework of Ukraine regarding freedom of speech and freedom of expression. In order to counter aggression, the state has adopted a number of laws aimed at counteracting foreign interference in broadcasting and ensuring Ukraine’s information sovereignty. The implementation of these laws has been criticized for being seen by NGOs as imposing restrictions on freedom of expression and expression. However, censorship and selfcensorship create another serious restriction on freedom of speech and the press. The Law on Transparency of Mass Media Ownership, adopted in 2015, provides for the disclosure of information on the owners of final beneficiaries (controllers), and in their absence – on all owners and members of a broadcasting organization or service provider. In 2019, Ukraine adopted a law on strengthening the role of the Ukrainian language as the state language, which provides for language quotas for the media. According to the Law on Language, only 10% of total film adaptations can be in a language other than Ukrainian. Ukraine has adopted several laws in the field of information management to counter foreign influence and propaganda. According to the report of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, for the period from January 1, 2017 to February 14, 2018, the State Committee banned 30 books published in the Russian Federation. Thus, for the first time faced with the need to wage an “invisible” war on the information front, Ukraine was forced to take seriously the regulation of the media and the market. By imposing a number of restrictions on a product that can shake sovereignty and increase the authority of the aggressor in the eyes of citizens, the legislator, guided by the needs of society, also contributes to the promotion of Ukrainian (for example, by introducing quotas).


2019 ◽  
pp. 212-227
Author(s):  
Abigail Ogwezzy-Ndisika ◽  
Ismail Adegboyega Ibraheem ◽  
Babatunde Adesina Faustino

This paper examined media ethics in Nigerian using elections coverage as a lens. It focuses on the gender dimension, a fundamental factor in media and election debates; and brought to the fore the socio-political and economic factors affecting the ethical performance of journalists covering elections in Nigeria. It argues that journalist covering elections in Nigeria are operating in challenging socio-political and economic context, but are beginning to rise up to the occasion having improved on the coverage of women politicians. It concludes that despite the challenges, ethical reportage can promote gender balanced coverage of elections in Nigeria. It recommends that the media should provide platforms for engagements and give equal access to parties and candidates (both females and males); and also provide space in which freedom of expression can be exercised and alternative, dissenting, and minority voices heard.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document