Does Party-System Fragmentation Affect the Quality of Democracy?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicente Valentim ◽  
Elias Dinas
2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172092325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arndt Leininger ◽  
Maurits J Meijers

While some consider populist parties to be a threat to liberal democracy, others have argued that populist parties may positively affect the quality of democracy by increasing political participation of citizens. This supposition, however, has hitherto not been subjected to rigorous empirical tests. The voter turnout literature, moreover, has primarily focused on stable institutional and party system characteristics – ignoring more dynamic determinants of voter turnout related to party competition. To fill this double gap in the literature, we examine the effect of populist parties, both left and right, on aggregate-level turnout in Western and Eastern European parliamentary elections. Based on a dataset on 315 elections in 31 European democracies since 1970s, we find that turnout is higher when populist parties are represented in parliament prior to an election in Eastern Europe, but not in Western Europe. These findings further our understanding of the relationship between populism, political participation and democracy.


Author(s):  
Teguh Imansyah

<p>Partai poli Ɵ k adalah pilar dari sistem demokrasi, sepak-terjang partai poli Ɵ k merupakan variabel yang mempengaruhi kualitas demokrasi. Jika partai poli Ɵ k menjalankan peran dan fungsinya dengan baik, kualitas demokrasi akan menjadi baik. Begitu pula sebaliknya.Namun realitas yang berkembang saat ini menunjukan lemahnya kelembagaan partai yang ada saat ini. Keadaan tersebut terlihat dari menurunnya Ɵ ngkat kepercayaanj terhadap partai dan maraknya kasus pelanggaran hukum yang terjadi pada para kader partai. Permasalahannya adalah bagaimana regulasi sistem kepartaian yang ada dalam membentuk kelembagaan partai untuk memenuhi fungsinya sebagai partai poli Ɵ k sesuai dengan undang-undang. Dengan menggunakan metode peneli Ɵ an sosio yuridis dapat disimpulkan bahwa regulasi kepartaian yang ada belum berpengaruh signi fi kan dalam penguatan kelembagaan partai. Lemahnya kelembagaan partai yang ada saat ini lebih disebabkan oleh sistem internal partai yang belum modern.</p><p>Poli Ɵ c party is a pillar of the democra Ɵ c system, the ac Ɵ ons of the poli Ɵ cal par Ɵ es are variables that a ff ect the quality of democracy. If poli Ɵ cal par Ɵ es ful fi ll their respec Ɵ ve roles and func Ɵ ons properly, the quality of democracy will be good, and vice versa. But the reality shows currently developing the ins Ɵ tu Ɵ onal weakness of the exis Ɵ ng par Ɵ es. The situa Ɵ on can be seen from the decline in the level of trust in the party and the rampant cases of law viola Ɵ ons that occurred at the party cadres. The issue is how the exis Ɵ ng regula Ɵ ons of the party system in the form of ins Ɵ tu Ɵ onal party to ful fi ll its func Ɵ on as a poli Ɵ cal party in accordance with the law. Using sosio-juridic research methods can be concluded that the regula Ɵ on of party that is not signi fi cant in the ins Ɵ tu Ɵ onal strengthening of the party. The ins Ɵ tu Ɵ onal weakness of the exis Ɵ ng party is more due to the party's internal systems were not modern.</p>


Author(s):  
Steven R. Reed

This chapter describes and analyzes the electoral systems used to elect members of the Japanese Diet since 1947. The more powerful lower house has used two different electoral systems, and the upper house has used three. The chapter focuses on each system’s effects on the quality of democracy, particularly malapportionment and alternation in power. Electoral systems powerfully influence the quality of democracy. Many of those effects can be predicted by political science theory, but others cannot. The chapter shows that the effects of the first electoral system have long-lasting effects. The institutions and practices developed as the party system develops are not easily changed by later political reforms.


2021 ◽  
pp. 241-261
Author(s):  
Fernando Casal Bértoa ◽  
Zsolt Enyedi

The final chapter examines the impact of party system closure on the survival as well as the quality of democracy. We consider the question of whether closure is a necessary or sufficient precondition for the survival of democracy, and whether the other often proposed measures of party system stability, especially electoral volatility and parliamentary fragmentation, have a similarly important role. We use various indices to tap the quality of democracy, and we measure the relationship between these indices and closure by considering the intervening role of economic development. We find a special pattern in post-Communist Eastern Europe, indicating that closure can have pernicious consequences under certain conditions.


2011 ◽  
Vol 32 (5) ◽  
pp. 546-562 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kheang Un

This article examines the quality of democracy in Cambodia, arguing that Cambodian democracy since its inception in 1993 has evolved from unstructured competitive authoritarianism toward an authoritarianism characterized by the presence of a stable hegemonic party system wherein the minimum criteria for democracy have been severely curtailed. Although the quality of democracy has declined, the regime’s legitimacy has risen, due mainly to sustained economic growth and political stability, and increased patronage-based development. Economic performance-based legitimacy has become path-dependent; without growth the ruling party’s legitimacy might be called into question. Given the current political, social, economic and international contexts that favor economic growth with political stability, Cambodia will sustain a dominant party authoritarian regime with limited quality of democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 569-592
Author(s):  
Olivera Komar ◽  
Meta Novak

AbstractThis paper creates a framework for the comparison of two similar and yet different democratisation cases – Slovenia and Montenegro. The two countries have obvious similarities: their geography and small population, as well as their common socialist Yugoslav heritage and common aspirations to join international organisations, most importantly the European Union. However, while Slovenia went through the democratisation process rather smoothly, Montenegro took the longer road, struggling for more than a decade to regain its independence and complete its transition. We take into account different internal and external factors in these two cases such as the year of independence and of joining NATO, the political and electoral system, ethnic homogeneity, the viability of civil society, EU integration status, economic development and the presence of war in each territory in order to identify and describe those factors that contributed to the success of democratisation in different areas: the party system, the interest groups system, the defence system, Europeanisation and social policy. We find that the democratisation process in these countries produced different results in terms of quality. Various objective measures of the quality of democracy score Slovenia higher compared to Montenegro, while public opinion data shows, in general, greater satisfaction with the political system and greater trust in political institutions in Montenegro than in Slovenia.


Politologija ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 99 (3) ◽  
pp. 93-128
Author(s):  
Orestas Strauka

The article aims to evaluate whether and how constitutional replacements influence the quality of democracy in Latin American countries. The fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis method is applied while analysing 18 Latin American countries. The objective of the article- nine new constitutions that are assigned to the new constitutionalism period. The results reveal that constitutional replacements are neither sufficient nor necessary condition for quality of democracy. On the contrary, the parsimonious solution shows that quality of democracy can be explained by both high levels of education and inversion of constitutional replacements and inversion of constitutional replacements, institutionalised party system and non-homogeneous society. Inversion of quality of democracy analysis indicated that constitutional replacements, together with other conditions, form sufficient conditions for inversion of quality of democracy.  


Author(s):  
Michal Pink

This paper explores the possibility of introducing a majority electoral system for the Chamber of Deputies in the Czech Republic, and discusses the virtues and drawbacks of such a system. It recalculates the electoral results from two previous elections using majority electoral systems (first-past-the-post and two round majority system) to examine how such a change could influence the formation of governmental majorities in the chamber and what the possible consequences for the quality of democracy in the Czech Republic could be. The results show that majority system would likely radically simplify the formation of governments with clear majorities, and hinder emerging populist parties as well as weaken the communist party. On the other hand, the adoption of a majority system would substantially lower barriers to enter the chamber, which could lead to the disintegration of the party system and its increased fragmentation. Combined with the common practice of Czech politicians to hold various mandates at different levels of the political system at the same time, this could be a significant risk factor.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 505-528 ◽  
Author(s):  
Riccardo Pelizzo ◽  
Zim Nwokora

Author(s):  
Dirk Tomsa

The inclusion-moderation theory posits that radical parties will abandon their most extreme goals and become more moderate in ideology and behavior if they are included in competitive electoral politics. The case of Indonesia confirms many assumptions of this theory, demonstrating that Islamist parties can indeed become more moderate as a result of their inclusion in formal electoral politics. Certain supporting conditions, however, may need to be in place, and even if moderation does occur it may not always be conducive to the quality of democracy. In Indonesia, the first experiment with including Islamist parties in electoral politics in the 1950s failed, but when democracy was eventually restored in 1998, the evolution of the two main Islamist parties that established themselves in the party system followed what proponents of the inclusion-moderation theory would expect. Both the United Development Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan) and the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera) abandoned their original goals of turning Indonesia into an Islamic state based on sharia law. Like other radical parties in similar political contexts, they moderated in response to institutional incentives and immersion in parliamentary and cabinet politics. By the time Indonesia started preparing for the 2019 elections, both parties were basically mainstream conservative Islamic parties, which, in view of their behavioral and to a lesser extent ideological moderation, should no longer be considered Islamist parties. However, the moderation of these parties has not led to a deepening of Indonesian democracy. On the contrary, while Islamist parties moved to the center, ostensibly secular parties moved increasingly to the right, supporting religiously conservative initiatives and policies, and forming alliances with Islamist actors outside the party spectrum. Thus, Indonesia underwent a process of Islamization despite the moderation of its Islamist parties.


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