scholarly journals The Role of International Mediation in Defining Kosovo’s Final Status

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 642-649
Author(s):  
Milazim HAJRA

The United Nations Secretary-General and the United Nations Security Council spend significant amounts of time on their relationship with each other. They rely on each other for such important activities as peacekeeping, international mediation, and the formulation and application of normative standards in defense of international peace and security—in other words, the executive aspects of the UN’s work. The edited book The UN Secretary-General and the Security Council: A Dynamic Relationship aims to fill an important lacuna in the scholarship on the UN system. Although there exists an impressive body of literature on the development and significance of the Secretariat and the Security Council as separate organs, an important gap remains in our understanding of the interactions between them. Bringing together some of the most prominent authorities on the subject, this volume is the first book-length treatment of this topic. It studies the UN from an innovative angle, creating new insights on the (autonomous) policy-making of international organizations and adding to our understanding of the dynamics of intra-organizational relationships. Within the book, the contributors examine how each Secretary-General interacted with the Security Council, touching upon such issues as the role of personality, the formal and informal infrastructure of the relationship, the selection and appointment processes, as well as the Secretary-General’s threefold role as a crisis manager, administrative manager, and manager of ideas.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-27
Author(s):  
Darius Pscherer

The following paper summarizes the findings of a bachelor thesis that analysed the role of normative orders in international mediation by examining the norms applied during the Colombian peace process. The objective of the investigation is defined by the research question, which lessons-learnt can be derived from the Havana Process for the categorization of normative orders in international peace mediation? For answering that question the author analyses the norms and principles applied during the Colombian peace process and thereby, shows the potential to enhance existing scientific models and log-frames for the analysis of norms in peace mediation. The paper provides a new model for classifying normative frameworks by integrating the stage of negotiation as another classifying dimension. Therefore, the model is called “Process-Oriented Model for Categorizing Norms in International Mediation”. The research is built upon a qualitative research conducted in the Colombian cities Medellin and Bogota, where the author held interviews with scientific researchers, political decision-makers, and civil society organisations. The results of the research are complemented by a substantial review of existing academic literature about norms in international peace mediation and the Colombian peace process.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 402-430
Author(s):  
Vasu Gounden

AbstractAlthough informal and traditionally driven practices of mediation have existed for many generations, institutionalized and African-driven mediation became more important following the end of the Cold War. Mediation initiatives undertaken over the past 25 years, partly as a consequence of the increase in intra-state conflicts on the continent, have resulted in the generation of a deep body of knowledge and the evolution of a community of practitioners. This article examines two of the first post-1990 African-driven mediation processes – the Arusha Peace Process for Burundi and the Inter-Congolese Dialogue (icd) for the Democratic Republic of the Congo (drc) – to highlight key lessons that emerged, including the choice of mediator, who to include in the mediation, the impact of regional and international dynamics on the mediation, the importance and challenges of addressing the root causes of the conflict in a mediation process, and the role of non-state actors and Track ii diplomacy.


2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Smilovitz ◽  
Tereza Capelos

AbstractThis article examines the role of negative emotions in the process of international mediation. In particular, it investigates how perceptions of disputant negative emotions influence the tactics that mediators employ. Using the classification of mediator tactics into communicator, formulator or manipulator, the article argues that communicator- or formulator-oriented tactics are adopted more frequently when a mediator perceives negative emotions, such as anger or fear. The results of a web survey of North American mediators that classified mediation tactics are presented. The authors also interviewed international mediators and diplomats who have formally or informally, officially or unofficially, mediated intra-state and inter-state conflicts. Mediators are found to be more inclined to assume communicator- or formulator-oriented tactics when confronted with negative emotions. Our empirical analysis of negative emotions sheds light on the choice of mediation tactics in the field of international mediation, and offers valuable insights to scholars and practitioners of negotiation, diplomacy, international relations and political science.


1986 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Bercovitch

This paper purports to contribute to the development of a theory of international mediation by considering, in some detail, the experience at Camp David and more specifically the role of President Carter. The uniqueness of this event cannot of course be ignored, but even unique cases can contribute to theory development especially if they are considered as one of a class of events. Single cases can provide a powerful impetus to the development of a general explanation as long as they are historically grounded and their description is not couched in purely idiosyncratic terms.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 30
Author(s):  
M. A. M. Fowsar

Regional and international mediation by third parties in Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict have had diverse impacts on the country’s political scene at various times. India spearheaded a significant regional mediation following the July 1983 pogrom against minority Tamils. An international mediation effort by a third party was initiated in 2000, with Norway playing the role of facilitator. Both of these attempts to resolve Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict, which were taken to bring an end to the intense and continued violence, have had mixed outcomes. In particular, Norway’s initiative to bring an end to the conflict with international facilitation was taken in the backdrop of the changed world order that prevailed after the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center in New York. It is against this backdrop; this article attempts to examine the contributions made by Norway towards the resolution of Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict. The major finding shows that Norwegian initiative fell into fail after a period and the armed insurgency did not come to an end until 2009. In May 2009, the government forces defeated the LTTE militarily and declared the war victory.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-52
Author(s):  
Matthew Wheeler ◽  
Paul Chambers

This study examines the continuing failure of conflict resolution efforts in the case of Thailand’s Deep South or “Patani.” The introduction of an official peace-dialogue process in February 2013 raised hopes that the insurgency in southernmost Thailand might move toward a peaceful resolution. But under two different Thai governments, dialogue between Bangkok and Malay-Muslim militants has foundered. Factors inhibiting successful confidence-building and negotiations include the militants’ disunity and parochialism and the Thai junta’s reluctance to countenance international mediation or devolution of political power. Following Lederach (1997), the study at hand contends that where efforts at conflict resolution occur only at the elite level with no corresponding efforts at the middle and grassroots level, then dialogue is liable to fail, become one-sided or simply lapse into a public relations stunt. Moreover, drawing on interviews with officials and militants, it argues that the structure of the process, including the role of Malaysia as facilitator, must be adjusted for talks to progress. The study also examines political will as a determining factor; although capacity constraints and technical problems pose challenges to a fruitful peace dialogue, they are a less immediate obstacle than the conflict parties’ lack of determination to negotiate a settlement.


Author(s):  
Taha Naier ◽  
Dr. Ravza Altuntaş Çakır

Qatar has recently become a regional power and an influential actor in international politics. Qatar has adopted a foreign policy of soft power, which played a prominent role in the rise of the international scene. On 5 June 2017, a diplomatic boycott crisis has erupted against Qatar. The Arab Quartet imposed a complete blockade on Qatar and stated 13 demands. The study explores Qatar’s soft power tools such as lobbying, international mediation, scholarships, foreign aids, Al Jazeera network, which has created a national brand for Qatar. With the non-coercive foreign policy, Qatar’s stance in regional politics has transformed from neutrality to influence. This study will investigate the underlying political, ideological, and strategical factors of the 2017 crisis that has manifested the power struggles in the Gulf, the role of Qatar's foreign policy of soft power in the context of the crisis. Finally, the study will analyze whether the current situation demonstrates transient appeasement or a permanent resolution.


JAMA ◽  
1966 ◽  
Vol 195 (12) ◽  
pp. 1005-1009 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. J. Fernbach
Keyword(s):  

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