scholarly journals De opinierichtingen in de Belgische dagbladpers

Res Publica ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-244
Author(s):  
Theo Luykx
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Major Part ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Total Circulation

From the outset the Belgian press has been a political press. The catholic and liberal newspapers, however, have never been tightly linked to the corresponding political parties, whereas the socialist and communistnewspapers depend officially from their respective political party so that they can be considered as real party-papers.Of the 39 Belgian newspapers 20 can be defined as catholic, 7 as liberal, 7 as socialist and 1 as communist ; 4 newspapers call themselves «neutral», but on several political occasions they heve nevertheless taken up position. Among these 39 newspapers only 19 can be considered as «independent» : of the 20 catholic newspapers 16 belang to 5 different newspaper chains ; 7 of the liberal dailies are owned by only 3 newspaper groups; 3 of the 7 socialist papers belang to the same chain and 3 of the so-called «neutral» dailies are published by only one group.From the circulation figures of the Flemish press it emerges that the catholic and liberal newspapers make some progress, while the socialist dailies are constantly regressing. The total circulation of the Frenchspeaking newspapers is slightly receding, but here again the socialist newspapers are the big losers. It should be noticed that only the circulation figures of the Flemish newspapers are officially ascertained, whereas the major part of the French-speaking newspapers do not allow such an official control.From this it is clear that in Belgium there exists a real disproportion between the number of readers of political opinionnewspapers and the voters for the corresponding political parties. For the moment the number of readers of catholic newspapers surpasses the amount of voters for the CVP-PSC-party in an considerable way. This also applies to the liberal press, where the amount of readers outnumbers the voters for the PW-PLP-party. On the other hand, the number of readers of socialist newspapers even does not amount to half of the numbers of voters for the BSP-PSB-party.

scholarly journals Implikasi Pergeseran Sistem Politik terhadap Hukum dan Birokrasi di Indonesia

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 868
Author(s):  
Suryo Gilang Romadlon
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Impact

Coalition can be the effective way to collect the power for struggle in the competitive politics. In Indonesia, after the reform era, the coalition system being the most popular system that granted by the constitution. Phrase ”coalition of political parties” in the article number 6A point (2) UUD 1945 shows us that the coalition system is the constitutional and the fix way. From all the historical story about the coalition of political parties in Indonesia, we can make a conclusion that the coalition system wich is exist in Indonesia is just coalition made by interest, not ideology. Coalition only to reach the “threshold”. Political parties only thinking about how to complete the mission to propose the candidate. Surely, That’s all the problem. We can see that the coalition system in Indonesia just make some paradox. For example, in presidential election 2014, in one hand we can see the batle between “KMP” and “KIH”, but in the other hand, we cand find a different situation in local politic competition. On 9 December 2015, The simultaneous regional election was completed held, and I saw that the battle between KMP and KIH wasn’t happened in that moment. Based on the fact from KPU, we can find in some region, the inconsistence coalition was built by the political parties which is member of KMP join with member of KIH. That condition shows us that the coalition system in Indonesia is just based on interest. There is no linear/consistence coalition between central and local, so automatically we can find a question, “where is the platform, vision and mission of political party in Indonesia? And How about the impact to the bureaucratic system between central and local government?. Finally, The Author is trying to answer the questions in this paper.

Geography and the Gerrymander

1918 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. O. Sauer
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Major Part ◽  
The Other ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Large Measure ◽  
Adequate Knowledge ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Partial Suppression ◽  
Historical Basis ◽  
The Individual

The gerrymander is an American name for a political abuse, which, though by no means exclusively American, has been most widely practiced and generally tolerated in this country. It is a device for the partial suppression of public opinion that simulates agreement with democratic institutions. The subterfuge, therefore, has no place in countries in which oligarchic control is legitimized. Nor is it suited to European conditions, because it is difficult there to shift electoral boundaries. European electoral units in large part have a clearly defined historical basis, which in turn rests upon geographic coherence. This solidarity is commonly so great that it cannot be disregarded. American political divisions on the other hand show in major part very imperfect adjustment to economic and historic conditions, largely, because many of the divisions were created in advance of such conditions. They are, in the main, not gradual growths, but deliberate and arbitrary legislative creations, made without adequate knowledge of the conditions that make for unity or disunity of population within an area. Political divisions tend, therefore, to be less significant than in European countries and to be regarded more lightly. It is in particular the smaller unit, such as the county, that has been manipulated for electoral purposes. In spite of their poorly drawn individual boundaries, groups of counties can be organized into larger electoral units in such a manner as to represent a common body of interests predominating. On the other hand they can be so arranged as to mask these interests. The lack of proper coherence in the individual county may be rectified in large measure in the group, or it may be intensified. Gerrymandering accomplishes the latter result.

Attitudes to reform: political parties in Ulster and the Irish land bill of 1881

1985 ◽  
Vol 24 (95) ◽  
pp. 327-340
Author(s):  
Francis Thompson
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Detailed Examination ◽  
The Other ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Previous Decade ◽  
History Of

The Irish land act of 1881, it is generally agreed, was a victory for the Land League and Parnell, and nationalist policy with regard to the act and the attitude of southern tenants towards it have been many times subjected to detailed examination by historians of this period. In these analyses of the events of 1880–81, however, little reference is normally made to the part played by the different parties and interests in the north of the country. It is often assumed, for example, that the Ulster tenants held aloof from the campaign for reform, lending no more than occasional vocal support to the agitational efforts of tenants in the south and west. Indeed, they were later excoriated by William O'Brien, Michael Davitt and others not only for giving no support to the land movement but also for sabotaging Parnell's policy of testing the 1881 act by precipitately rushing into the land courts to take advantage of the new legislation: ‘that hard-fisted body of men, having done nothing themselves to win the act, thought of nothing but turning it to their own immediate use, and repudiating any solidarity with the southern and western rebels to whom they really owed it’. If, however, northern tenants were harshly judged by nationalist politicians in the years after 1881, the part played by the northern political parties in the history of the land bill has been either ignored or misunderstood by historians since that time. The Ulster liberals, for example, are rarely mentioned, the implication being that they made no contribution to the act even though it implemented almost exactly the programme on which they had been campaigning for much of the previous decade. The northern conservatives, on the other hand, are commonly seen as leading opponents of the bill, more intransigent than their party colleagues in the south, ‘quick to denounce any weakening of the opposition’ to reform, and ‘determined to keep the tory party up to the mark in defending the landlord interest’

The Young Egypt Party

1953 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. M. Landau
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The Other ◽  
National Party ◽  
Long Period ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Army Officers ◽  
Origins Research ◽  
Secret Organization

The scarceness of published material renders difficult a true estimate of the development of political ideas in Egypt in the nineteenth century. Nor is it any less difficult to trace the origins of the first political parties.The Arabi Rebellion of 1881-1882 was preceded by a long period of unrest, which finally crystallized in a self-styled National Party. This faction, led by army officers and civilians, kept its secret character for a few years, coming into the open only at the beginning of the Arabi Rebellion. Its importance in the anti-foreign struggle, however, has drawn attention to its humble but interesting origins. Research has provided us with fairly adequate, if still incomplete, material on this point. But hardly anything has been published, on the other hand, about another secret organization of that time, called ‘Young Egypt’.

Het Gebruik Van Connectieven Door Franstalige Leerders Van Het Nederlands

2004 ◽  
Vol 71 ◽  
pp. 81-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julien Perrez
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
The One

This article examines first tendencies towards connective usage by French-speaking learners of Dutch. Two sorts of discursive markers were analyzed, viz., attitude and relational markers. The results show two main tendencies. On the one hand, the learners seem to overuse attitude markers. This has been explained by stating that it could be a sign of the difficulty they experienced in organizing texts, establishing coherence and introducing their opinion. This inclination has also been observed for the learner use of the causal connective dus ('so, therefore'). On the other hand, the investigation of the learner usage of backward causal connectives suggests that beginners use a reduced set of frequent connectives, while more experienced learners make use of a more varied set of connectives. The tendencies observed and hypotheses advanced will have to be quantitatively and qualitatively elaborated further in future research as well as expanded to other kinds of connectives.

Advance by Retreat? The Formation of British Labour's Electoral Strategy

1988 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth D. Wald
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
Profit Motive ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
The West ◽  
Corporate Behavior ◽  
South Wales ◽  
Just Society ◽  
Party Behavior

Every step towards our goal is dependent on gaining the assent and support of at least a numerical majority of the whole people. Thus, even if we aimed at revolutionizing everything at once, we should necessarily be compelled to make each particular change only at the time, and to the extent, and in the manner which ten or fifteen million electors, in all sorts of conditions, of all sorts of temperaments, from Land's End to the Orkneys, could be brought to consent to it.Now, anybody can see the difficulties which politicians must encounter when they are trying to get votes from the West End of London and South Wales at the same time.Whatever else it might be, whatever its other functions or activities in modern democratic societies, a political party is first and foremost an organization that seeks control of government through the electoral process. Unless it first attains the legitimate governing authority that accompanies majority status, a political party cannot implement the policies necessary to realize its vision of the just society, nor can it fulfill the other roles assigned to parties by modern democratic theory. For just such reasons, it is commonly said that votes are to political parties what profits are to corporations; just as corporate behavior would be incomprehensible without reference to the profit motive, so party behavior is often inexplicable without recognizing the centrality of electoral competition. For parties with normative goals in countries with democratic political systems, the drive for electoral supremacy must be a constant concern.

Fighting Elections: Cross-Level Political Party Integration in Ontario

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 871-892 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Lennox Esselment
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Present Article ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
The Other ◽  
Federal System ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Party Activists ◽  
Local Party

Abstract.Conventional wisdom about the structure of political parties in Canada has emphasized their confederal nature. In other words (and the New Democratic party excepted), parties with identical partisan complexions at the federal and provincial levels are thought to operate in “two political worlds.” This paper argues that election campaigns are a key integrating link between parties. How they fight elections reveals extensive cross-level co-operation, particularly through shared activists (local party activists, party staff and party professionals) and technological expertise. This has the effect of shrinking the space between party cousins and forges unity between them. While there are certain obstacles to electoral collaboration, there are also incentives for these parties to work to maintain and strengthen their ties with their partisan cousin at the other level. These findings make an important contribution by directly challenging the notion that Canada's federal system has led to increasingly disentangled political parties.Résumé.L'opinion communément admise au sujet de la structure des partis politiques au Canada a mis l'accent sur leur nature confédérale. En d'autres termes (exception faite du Nouveau Parti démocratique), on considère en général que les partis à caractère partisan identique au palier fédéral et provincial fonctionnent dans «deux mondes politiques à part». Le présent article avance que les campagnes électorales constituent un facteur d'intégration clé entre les différents niveaux d'un parti. La façon dont un parti dispute une élection révèle un haut degré de coopération entre les organisations provinciales et fédérales, surtout du fait qu'ils partagent des militants communs (militants locaux, personnel politique et professionnels du parti) et leur expertise technologique. Ce phénomène tend à rétrécir l'espace entre cousins du même parti et à bâtir l'unité d'organisation entre les deux niveaux. Même s'il y a des obstacles inévitables à la collaboration électorale, les partis cousins ont de bonnes raisons de veiller à maintenir et à renforcer leurs liens réciproques. Ces conclusions apportent une contribution importante à l'étude des partis politiques, en contestant directement l'idée que le système fédéral au Canada a encouragé les partis politiques de même allégeance à mener leurs activités de manière indépendante.

scholarly journals Political Cartoon in Ecuador

2014 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 95-119
Author(s):  
David Vásquez León
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
Chilling Effect ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Government

Cartoonist Xavier Bonilla and El Universo newspaper were sanctioned in 2014 after publishing a cartoon which, according to the sanction, motivated social agitation and was inaccurate. Against a backdrop of continuous friction between Rafael Correa’s government and private media in Ecuador, the text examines if the sanction created an environment of fear or self-censorship (chilling effect) in other cartoonists in Ecuador. For the analysis, 81 cartoons from three newspapers were monitored and analyzed during the month following the February 23th elections in Ecuador, in which the results were not as favorable for the government as in several previous elections. The results the paper shows signal there is no chilling-effect influencing how cartoonists draw cartoons or how they choose what to draw. On the other hand, it evidences that El Telégrafo, tough a public newspaper, eschews publishing cartoons portraying Correa or members of the majoritarian political party in Ecuador, Alianza País.

scholarly journals Mekanisme Penggantian Antar Waktu (Paw) Anggota Dpr dan Implikasinya Dalam Konsep Perwakilan Rakyat

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rida Farida
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Member Of Parliament

Mechanism alteration of a ruling Member of Parliament (MP) and Its Implication to People Representation Concept. Alteration of a ruling Member of Parliament functioned as mechanism of control to political party that has representative in Parliament.  This regulation is obviously regulated in accordance with Act No 27 Year 2009 relating to People Representative Assembly, House of Representative and House of Regional Representative and Local House of Representative.  Nowadays, alteration of ruling MP becomes an effective mean to get rid of the MP whose ideas and visions are different with the political party where they belong. On the other hand, the existence of Member of Parliament is because of the election. DOI: 10.15408/jch.v1i2.2991

scholarly journals Os morfemas finais Ne e Yo da língua japonesa, à luz das funções do Kyüjôhô (informações dadas) e Shinjôhô (informações novas) - um estudo da subjetividade e emoção

1969 ◽  
pp. 125-145
Author(s):  
Yüki Mukai
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Human Relationship ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
New Information ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Final Particles

Japanese final particles (shüjoshi) are situated at a modus (modality) layer, which expresses the speaker’s subjective attitude regarding the dictum (proposition) such as his judgement, supposition, volition, emotion and order. The speaker uses the final particle yo to express an assertive attitude generally when he introduces new information to which he wants the addressee to pay attention. On the other hand, the speaker uses a final particle ne, expecting the addressee to agree with him or in order to make his utterance roundabout, introducing given/old information. However, the speaker’s choice of yo or ne depends not only on the informational structure of discourse, but also on the human relationship or on the strategy used by that speaker in the moment of his utterance.

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