scholarly journals Framing analysis of government crisis communication in terrorist attacks (Case in New Zealand and Sri Lanka)

INFORMASI ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Narayana Mahendra Prastya ◽  
Mutia Dewi

This article aims to analyze the frame of the government official statement in Mosque Christhurch Attack in New Zealand (March 2019) and Easter Sunday Attack in Sri Lanka (April 2019). The two cases were chosen because they place Muslim in contradictory positions: as victim in New Zealand and as perpetrator in Sri Lanka. This study uses framing analysis method to examine the official statement uploaded in the official websites of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of New Zealand and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka, within seven days after the incident. The data gathered from the text analysis is then followed by data triangulation using expert judgement technique. The result shows that there are differences in information content. The New Zealand government emphasizes their own actions in the country, while the Sri Lankan government focuses on the activities carried out abroad and the supports, they receive from other countries. In doing so, the New Zealand government highlights the presence of Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern while the Sri Lankan government presents information from many state officials, instead of the head of state. These differences show that the content of official statement is highly influenced by the socio-political condition in the country.

2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (69) ◽  
pp. 55-76
Author(s):  
Boženko Đevoić

ABSTRACT This article gives an overview of the 26 year long ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka and examines physical reconstruction and economic development as measures of conflict prevention and postconflict reconstruction. During the years of conflict, the Sri Lankan government performed some conflict prevention measures, but most of them caused counter effects, such as the attempt to provide “demilitarization”, which actually increased militarization on both sides, and “political power sharing” that was never honestly executed. Efforts in post-conflict physical reconstruction and economic development, especially after 2009, demonstrate their positive capacity as well as their conflict sensitivity. Although the Sri Lankan government initially had to be forced by international donors to include conflict sensitivity in its projects, more recently this has changed. The government now practices more conflict sensitivity in its planning and execution of physical reconstruction and economic development projects without external pressure.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 246-260
Author(s):  
Subaskar Charles ◽  
Herath Vidyaratne ◽  
Damithri Gayashini Melagoda

Purpose Green roofs are acknowledged as a method to substitute greenery washed out by the urbanization. They provide many ecological and sustainable benefits of greenery; reduce the adverse effects of high-rise building constructions. Though this concept is more popular across many countries over the past few decades, still, implementation of this technology in Sri Lanka is new and scant. Hence, the purpose of this paper is to identify and analyze the potential of green roofs in high-rise buildings in Sri Lanka. Design/methodology/approach The data collection was conducted through expert interviews and questionnaire survey. Expert interviews were carried out to validate the prospects and restraints identified through literature review to the Sri Lankan context and analyzed using content analysis. Questionnaire survey identified the most significant prospects and restraints using descriptive statistics and paired sample t-test. Purposive sampling was used to select participants. Findings Reduction of air pollution, aesthetical appearance, thermal benefits and energy savings, reduction of an urban heat island effect, the addition of points in the green rating system are the top most significant prospects that need to be highlighted in promoting green roof systems in Sri Lankan high rises. Less space allocation on rooftops, lack of technical competence and lack of awareness and research are restraints that need most effective elimination strategies to encourage green roof systems. Originality/value The first identified and quantified prospects and restraints for green roof system in Sri Lankan high-rise buildings can be utilized by the government, donors, multi-lateral agencies to promote the sustainable development in Sri Lanka and this knowledge could be used in different scale awareness programs. The value of this paper is such that the paper discusses the links of green roofs with the other facets of sustainability. The new legal reforms and amendments in Sri Lanka could potentially be pending with findings of this study.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberly Nackers

The Responsibility to Protect (r2p), as enshrined in the 2005 World Summit Outcome document, aims to protect populations from the commission of mass atrocities. Yet both Sri Lankan government and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (ltte) forces killed thousands of civilians during the conclusion of Eelam War Four in Sri Lanka, in spite of the adoption of r2p by the Sri Lankan government. In this article, I argue that these atrocities occurred with little involvement on the part of the international community to stop them, in large part due to existing international political dynamics, which the framing efforts of the Sri Lankan government played upon. The government was able to determine the dominant discourse on the conflict and portrayed it as part of the War on Terror. This facilitated states in supporting the government in the conflict, while diminishing criticism from actors that may otherwise have been more supportive of the invocation of r2p.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 211-223
Author(s):  
Mohammad Agus Yusoff ◽  
Athambawa Sarjoon

Abstract Sri Lankan military forces and government authorities have succeeded to counter measure terrorism by defeating the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). However, their initiatives and efforts to restore peace and harmony among different ethno-religious groups in the post-war context are highly complex. The additional space given to the reemergence of radical religious groups has negatively influenced the process of fostering religious tolerance and harmony, which have been maintained for centuries in the country. Ethno-religious minorities became the major targets of religious hatred and violent attacks. At both the societal and political platforms, majoritarian religious sentiments and discourse have established a dominant presence in opposing the existence and practice of the religious fundamentals of minorities. This study has attempted to investigate the nature and impact of majoritarian religious violence in post-war Sri Lanka, as well as the efforts made by the government authorities to control them in order to foster religious tolerance and harmony in the country. This study argues that religious violence under the shadow of religious nationalism has been promoted by many forces as a mechanism by which to consolidate a majoritarian ethno-religious hegemony in the absence of competing ethnic-groups context in post-war Sri Lanka. In many ways, state apparatuses have failed to control religious violence, maintain religious tolerance and inter-religious harmony, particularly of accommodating minorities in nature. The study concludes that the continuous promotion of majoritarian religious hegemony through anti-minority religious hatred and violence would further promote religious intolerance and radicalism challenging the establishment of religious harmony in the country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-104
Author(s):  
Kheyene Molekandella Boer ◽  
Mutia Rahmi Pratiwi ◽  
Nalal Muna

This study aims to identify the coverage of the Covid-19 Task Force in the three online editions of March 20-23, 2020. The four stages of Framing Entmant include: Define Problem, Diagnose Cause, Make moral judgment, and Treatment recommendations. This research uses Robert N. Entman's framing analysis method with a qualitative approach. The results showed that Define Problem in reporting related to government policy in cooperating with influencers was considered not the right choice, the diagnosis cause was shown in the form of indifference to millennials in response to the Covid-19 pandemic, Make a moral judgment in the form of an assertion that influencers were not paid in this program as a form of their contribution to the country, and the treatment recommendations offered are that the government equip influencers with a strong understanding of COVID-19 before becoming a mediator in delivering messages to millennials. Online media is a public space that is considered important as a reference in increasing general information literacy so that the news is expected to be more objective and educational.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi pemberitaan mengenai Gugus Tugas penanganan Covid-19 di ketiga media online tersebut edisi 20-23 Maret 2020. Empat tahap Framing Entmant mencakup: Define Problem, Diagnose Cause, Make moral judgment dan Treatment recommendation. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode analisis framing Robert N. Entman dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa Define Problem dalam pemberitaan berkaitan dengan kebijakan pemerintah dalam menggandeng para influencer dinilai bukan pilihan yang tepat, Diagnose cause ditunjukkan dalam bentuk sikap acuh para generasi milenial dalam menanggapi pandemi Covid-19, Make moral judgment dalam bentuk penegasan bahwa para influencer tidak dibayar dalam program ini sebagai bentuk kontribusi mereka kepada negara, dan treatment recommendation yang ditawarkan adalah pemerintah membekali influencer pemahaman yang kuat terkait covid-19 sebelum menjadi mediator penyampai pesan bagi milenial. Media online merupakan ruang publik yang dianggap penting sebagai rujukan dalam meningkatkan literasi informasi masyarakat, sehingga pemberitaannya diharapkan agar lebih objektif dan mendidik.


2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Jehan Perera

For the past three decades Sri Lanka was stalemated between governments that were not prepared to devolve power to the Tamil majority provinces and a Tamil militant movement that wanted a separate country. In February 2002, the Sri Lankan government and LTTE signed a ceasefire agreement under Norwegian government auspices that appeared to offer the real prospect of a final end to violence as a means of conflict resolution. The ceasefire between the government and the LTTE held for nearly four years despite significant problems affecting the peace process, problems that led to the LTTE’s withdrawal from the peace talks. However, the ceasefire collapsed in early 2006 with a series of ambushes of government soldiers by the LTTE, eventually leading to counter measures and counter attacks by the forces of the government, measures in which the government wrested back control of territory placed under the control of the LTTE by the terms agreed upon by the Ceasefire Agreement. Today Sri Lanka is a country that continues to be deeply divided on lines of ethnicity, religion and politics. Horizontal inequalities, defined as severe inequalities in economic and political resources between culturally defined groups, were undoubtedly a contributing factor for the perpetuation of Sri Lanka’s long-running conflict. No sooner it won the war, the government asserted economic development to be the main engine of reconciliation.


Author(s):  
Ambika Satkunanathan

Since the end of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka in 2009, the government has used national security concerns to legitimize ongoing human rights violations and an increasing militarized society. This chapter examines how this militarization impacts Sri Lankan women. It begins with an overview of the status of women during and after the conflict. It describes Sri Lankan militarization, including the physical presence of military members, military involvement in civil society and commercial activities, and military influence in the education system. The chapter explores the gendered impacts of such militarization, ranging from a fear of sexual violence to the weakening of community trust and political activity in light of extensive surveillance programs. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the various strategies used by women to survive and retain agency in this militarized context.


Journalism ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 402-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen M Kuehn

This research investigates how New Zealand media framed the mass surveillance debates in the immediate months following the June 2013 Snowden revelations up to the passage of the Government Communications and Security Bureau Amendment Bill 2013. A media framing analysis of news stories from two commercial newspapers and the national public broadcaster in New Zealand (N = 156) revealed frames of lawfulness, conflict, and democratic values dominated coverage; public radio drew upon one additional frame, Edward Snowden the individual. A comparative analysis reveals the commercial newspapers’ reliance on episodic frames opposed to public media’s thematic framing, yet coverage across both samples was overwhelmingly negative. Both samples also privileged official government and foreign media sources. Together, these strategies worked to distance citizens from the surveillance debate by framing it as a political – rather than a civic – issue to be resolved by government leaders. The media’s inability to build a consensus around the surveillance debate and engage citizen voices may at least partially explain the lack of coordinated public resistance against subsequent surveillance policy reforms that effectively expanded New Zealand’s intelligence community’s spy powers.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
WPTM Wickramaarachchi ◽  
SSN Perera ◽  
S Jayasignhe

AbstractThe ongoing COVID19 outbreak originated in the city of Wuhan, China has caused a significant damage to the world population and the global economy. It has claimed more than 50,000 lives worldwide and more than one million of people have been infected as of 04th April 2020.In Sri Lanka, the first case of COVI19 was reported late January 2020 was a Chinese national and the first local case was identified in the second week of March. Since then, the government of Sri Lanka introduced various sequential measures to improve social distancing such as closure of schools and education institutes, introducing work from home model to reduce the public gathering, introducing travel bans to international arrivals and more drastically, imposed island wide curfew expecting to minimize the burden of the disease to the Sri Lankan health system and the entire community. Currently, there are 159 cases with five fatalities and also reported that 24 patients are recovered and discharged from hospitals.In this study, we use the SEIR conceptual model and its modified version by decomposing infected patients into two classes; patients who show mild symptoms and patients who tend to face severe respiratory problems and are required to treat in intensive care units. We numerically simulate the models for about five months period considering three critical parameters of COVID transmission mainly in the Sri Lankan context; efficacy of control measures, rate of overseas imported cases and time to introduce social distancing measures by the respective authorities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Albert Triwibowo ◽  
Jessica Martha

Middle countries are considered to be more vulnerable in crisis management because of their marginal position in the international politics. In the pandemic, middle power diplomacy is expected to fill the void left by developed countries so that they focus on multilateral efforts. This paper argues that Indonesia exercised middle power diplomacy in 2020. This diplomacy is carried out with a commitment to encourage global cooperation in resolving the pandemic through multilateral efforts. The multilateral initiatives are carried out as part of ‘good international citizenship’, and also serves as the mechanism to voice Indonesian aspirations, aspirations related to humanity, efforts to create global norms, and efforts to reach international treaties. This paper is a qualitative research, which is based on a literature study in the form of an official statement from the Government of Indonesia through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and is supported by secondary sources.


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