Underdevelopment and the Political Economy of Malnutrition and Ill Health

1983 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Chossudovsky

This article applies Marx's abstract subdivision of social consumption to the prevailing patterns of capital accumulation in the Third World. Built-in scarcities in the availability of necessary consumer goods, alongside patterns of overconsumption and social waste by the upper-income groups, are conducive to conditions of mass poverty, malnutrition, and disease that coexist with small pockets of social privilege and affluence. Malnutrition and ill health must be understood and analyzed in relation to the dual and divided structure of social consumption: necessities of life as opposed to luxury and semi-luxury goods. The relationship between capital accumulation, the distribution of money income, and patterns of malnutrition and ill health is analyzed. It is shown that patterns of malnutrition and ill health are socially differentiated, and the core disease pattern in Third World social formations is discussed in relation to the material and social conditions of life which generate ill health and which underlie particular patterns of peripheral capital accumulation. The study focuses on empirical procedures for analyzing the relationship between levels of money income and levels of calorie and protein intake. An appendix outlines a methodology for estimating undernourishment in urban areas from household budget surveys.

1984 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheila M. Neysmith ◽  
Joey Edwardh

ABSTRACTThe purpose of this paper is to explore an alternative perspective for understanding individual and societal ageing within the context of global economic and social relations. The dependent status of Third World nations as a result of the process of capital accumulation is examined. It is argued that the manner in which Third World nations respond to the human needs of their old is subject to the relationship that entwines Third World and capitalist industralised nations. Moreover, it is argued that social policy and human service models are nurtured by the ideology underlying these economic relations. The assumptions behind two policy areas are examined. When diffused to Third World nations such social policies function to maintain national elites at the expense of the majority. In conclusion, questions are raised about the relevance of western models of ageing to the needs of old people in the Third World.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 167-188
Author(s):  
Abdu Mukhtar Musa

As in most Arab and Third World countries, the tribal structure is an anthropological reality and a sociological particularity in Sudan. Despite development and modernity aspects in many major cities and urban areas in Sudan, the tribe and the tribal structure still maintain their status as a psychological and cultural structure that frames patterns of behavior, including the political behavior, and influence the political process. This situation has largely increased in the last three decades under the rule of the Islamic Movement in Sudan, because of the tribe politicization and the ethnicization of politics, as this research reveals. This research is based on an essential hypothesis that the politicization of tribalism is one of the main reasons for the tribal conflict escalation in Sudan. It discusses a central question: Who is responsible for the tribal conflicts in Sudan?


Politics ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-30
Author(s):  
Robin Gray

This article concerns the relationship between policy and voter elasticity on either side of the political spectrum as an explanation of the left's post-war political failure. The core contention is that left-oriented voters are more responsive to slight deviations in policy. This is used to explain partially Labour's post-war failure to dominate power even when the ‘left's vote’ was over 50 per cent.


Author(s):  
Cameron McCarthy

Key arguments regarding the relationship between postcolonial art and aesthetics and the emancipatory imagination have implications for pedagogical and curriculum reform in the era of globalization. Postcolonial art, aesthetics, and postcolonial imagination are, and invoke paths through and exceeding, dominant traditions of thought in critical thinking on the status of art. These dominant critical traditions have led us to what Cameron McCarthy calls the “forked road” of cultural Marxism and neo-Marxism: the antipopulism of the Frankfurt School and Habermas and their contemporary affiliates versus the populism of the Birmingham School of Cultural Studies and those insisting on the nearly virtuous engagement of the First World working classes with contemporary consumer culture. These approaches have tended, McCarthy maintains, to generate critical apparati that silence the historically specific work of the colonized inhabitants of the Third World and the periphery of the First. In beckoning curriculum and pedagogical actors in a different direction, toward postcolonial art and aesthetics, McCarthy argues that the work of the postcolonial imagination dynamically engages with systems of domination, authority over knowledge, and representation, destabilizing received traditions of identity, association, and feeling, and offering, in turn, new starting points for affiliation and community that draw on the wellspring of humanity, indigenous and commodified. Key motifs of postcolonial art (literature, performance art, sculpture, and painting) illuminate organizing categories or new aesthetic genres: counter-hegemonic representation, double or triple coding, and utopic and emancipatory visions. These ethically informed dimensions of postcolonial art and aesthetics constitute critical starting points, or tools of conviviality, for a conversation over curriculum change in the tumult of globalization and the reassertion in some quarters of a feral nationalism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-224
Author(s):  
B. Setiawan ◽  
Tri Mulyani Sunarharum

Of the many important events that occurred in the two decades of the 21st century, the process of accelerating urbanization—especially in third-world countries—became something quite phenomenal. It's never even happened before. In the early 2000s, only about 45 percent of the population in the third world lived in urban areas, by 2020 the number had reached about 55 percent. Between now and 2035 the percentage of the population living in urban areas will reach about 85 percent in developed countries. Meanwhile, in developing countries will reach about 65 percent. By 2035, it is also projected that about 80 percent of the world's urban population will live in developing countries' cities.


Author(s):  
M. P. K. Nzunga

Fare has been established as a major issue, in primary and secondary schools within the Third World countries. This work sets out to reveal the possible determinants of this phenomenon. A comparison between performance in the rural areas and the urban areas has produced a lot of data on the determinants of school failure and repetition. The researcher seeks to establish the link between failure and the level of intelligence of the learners, the language of instruction, the financial status of the family and the culture of origin. The researcher hopes that by so doing, it would be easier to find a practical and efficient solution, to this problem, which is a great stambling block in the Third World countries.


1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Zaverucha

The state of civil–military relations in the world, especially in the Third World, is very well summed up by Mosca's statement that civilian control over the military ‘is a most fortunate exception in human history’.All over the globe, the armed forces have frequently preserved their autonomous power vis-à-vis civilians. They have also succeeded in maintaining their tutelage over some of the political regimes that have arisen from the process of transition from military to democratic governments, as in Argentina and Brazil. Spain is a remarkable exception. Today, Spain, despite its authoritarian legacy, is a democratic country. The constituted civil hierarchy has been institutionalised, military áutonomy weakened, and civilian control over the military has emerged. Spain's newly founded democracy now appears quite similar to the older European democracies.


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