The Tribal Impact on Political Stability in Sudan

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 167-188
Author(s):  
Abdu Mukhtar Musa

As in most Arab and Third World countries, the tribal structure is an anthropological reality and a sociological particularity in Sudan. Despite development and modernity aspects in many major cities and urban areas in Sudan, the tribe and the tribal structure still maintain their status as a psychological and cultural structure that frames patterns of behavior, including the political behavior, and influence the political process. This situation has largely increased in the last three decades under the rule of the Islamic Movement in Sudan, because of the tribe politicization and the ethnicization of politics, as this research reveals. This research is based on an essential hypothesis that the politicization of tribalism is one of the main reasons for the tribal conflict escalation in Sudan. It discusses a central question: Who is responsible for the tribal conflicts in Sudan?

Author(s):  
Ericka A. Albaugh

This chapter examines how civil war can influence the spread of language. Specifically, it takes Sierra Leone as a case study to demonstrate how Krio grew from being primarily a language of urban areas in the 1960s to one spoken by most of the population in the 2000s. While some of this was due to “normal” factors such as population movement and growing urbanization, the civil war from 1991 to 2002 certainly catalyzed the process of language spread in the 1990s. Using census documents and surveys, the chapter tests the hypothesis at the national, regional, and individual levels. The spread of a language has political consequences, as it allows for citizen participation in the political process. It is an example of political scientists’ approach to uncovering the mechanisms for and evidence of language movement in Africa.


1981 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nabeel A. Khoury

Studies of legislatures in developing countries have to contend with a great deal of cynicism owing, in part, to a political controversy concerning the role of the legislative institution in the Third World. The executive branch, which is generally dominant in developing nations, often uses the legislature to legitimize executive actions. Legislators who agree to serve the executive in this fashion often exaggerate or misrepresent the importance of the legislature in their political system. Conversely, opposition groups, who are frequently excluded from the political process in Third World countries, denigrate the role of legislatures and often exaggerate their ineffectiveness. Scholars have mostly ingnored the role of legislatures in the process of development.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-162
Author(s):  
Hamsa Kahtan Khalaf

Abstract The Iraqi political parties had been affected since 2003 by the political pivotal transformations which happened according to the aftermaths of democratic elections , especially under the disruptions of American’s invasion that led in cooperation with its allies in April 2003 .So the social and political situations became ruling according to the new aspects of practicing the new stage of authority as compromise settlements and quota and ethno - sectarian distribution to be as following as compatible with theory of practicing the authority responsibilities(Power sharing ) as what happened now , besides to that all political democracy scene has greatly been distorted because of the instability penetrated within rebuilding the state and its institutions from the beginning as planned by an active powerful political forces . Many functions that are characterized by competitions among the political parties had changed the concepts of exercising democracy in a real way to be done an effective shape ,because of the political and social actors had different role ,which were being a reflection of another reality within the democracy’s process .So that all the situations had been complicated too much owing to the factors of political instability that influenced negatively on the framework of the state , especially the impacts of economic and social factors as of poverty, stagnation , ignorance and disease and another underdevelopment features which predominated over political and social retrogression levels . In addition to that the absence of an efficient administrative elites , which appeared recently under different conditions and circumstances .So it was became very obviously as we know precisely that democracy’s process in Iraq since 2003 was comprehensively undemocratic in practicing because the political forces have not democratic culture that encourage the dialogue to solve all pending problems , and have not abundant tolerance to accept the differences of others parties yet . The phenomenon of the political instability has divided into different varieties by which scattering among the addresses of suspicion and it definitely has a sectarian discourse dimension in case of dealing among each other . So these addresses and dialogues were being away from the political national conformity correctly , because of there was something like definitely as the exclusion and marginalization discourses in order to narrowing any active political party within the political process try to do pro - active role to settle all pending crises . Furthermore , the reality of political life has been under the continuous crises and conflicts over an authority along time not to gain gradually the outcomes of procurement during application the constitution clauses and valid laws , in order to preserving the political stability and to be done more far from the national unity fragmentation and the weakness of political institutions . Finally , we need too much time to reach into condition of stability , especially after opening anew spaces toward active real participation , and because there was a growing need for educated people who could administer the society and the state institutionally by existing strong government, and ultimately peoples will have ability to form new political governing elites later.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 52-64
Author(s):  
Т. Beydina ◽  
◽  
O. Pogulich ◽  
Yа. Durov ◽  
А. Novikova ◽  
...  

The article is relevant, since it provides an assessment of anti-corruption policy as a political process at the regional and local levels. Purpose of the article: to identify the stages of the political process on anti-corruption policy focused on the prevention of the negative consequences of corruption. The levels of the political process, as substantiated in the article, are associated with the development of socio-economic and political differences between regions. The identification of these levels is the scientific novelty of this study. In the modern period, there is a crisis of international relations, globalization and the strengthening of national trends, including in the dynamics of the development of political processes. The fight against terrorism, the COVID-19 epidemic, environmental problems, and anti-corruption policies are not united in a global perspective, but “disintegrate” into national apartments and become problems of individual countries, not the entire modern community. This is the specificity of the political process at the global and national levels. The article is devoted to the problems of managing economic security, and combating corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation for the Transbaikal Region (hereinafter UEBiPK UMVD of Russia for the Transbaikal Region), further which is part of the police. This organization is an operational subdivision that carries out, within its competence, operational-search activities directed against crimes in relation to state power, the interests of the civil service and service in local government bodies. The specificity of the activities of the UEBiPK UMVD of Russia for the Transbaikal Region is the identification and documentation of economic, corruption malfeasance, as well as the implementation of operational support for anti-corruption policy. Anti-corruption policy as a political process in the Transbaikal Region is unstable, taking into account the cross-border specifics and has four levels: detection, response, prevention and evaluation of effectiveness. This conclusion is a scientific achievement of the authors. In addition, the author analyzes the political stability that is necessary for the implementation of the anti-corruption policy of the Transbaikal Region. The main thrust of this policy is economic crimes committed using information and communication technologies. The article describes the effectiveness of anti-corruption policy in the Transbaikal Territory


1983 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Chossudovsky

This article applies Marx's abstract subdivision of social consumption to the prevailing patterns of capital accumulation in the Third World. Built-in scarcities in the availability of necessary consumer goods, alongside patterns of overconsumption and social waste by the upper-income groups, are conducive to conditions of mass poverty, malnutrition, and disease that coexist with small pockets of social privilege and affluence. Malnutrition and ill health must be understood and analyzed in relation to the dual and divided structure of social consumption: necessities of life as opposed to luxury and semi-luxury goods. The relationship between capital accumulation, the distribution of money income, and patterns of malnutrition and ill health is analyzed. It is shown that patterns of malnutrition and ill health are socially differentiated, and the core disease pattern in Third World social formations is discussed in relation to the material and social conditions of life which generate ill health and which underlie particular patterns of peripheral capital accumulation. The study focuses on empirical procedures for analyzing the relationship between levels of money income and levels of calorie and protein intake. An appendix outlines a methodology for estimating undernourishment in urban areas from household budget surveys.


1987 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Hasan Turabi

I. IntroductionAlthough I have been directly involved in a political process that seeks toestablish an Islamic state, I am not going to describe the forms that an Islamicgovernment might take in any particular country. Rather, I will try to describethe universal characteristics of an Islamic state. These derive from theteachings of the Qur'an as embodied in the political practice of the ProphetMuhammad (pbuh), and constitute an eternal model that Muslims are boundto adopt as a perfect standard for all time. The diversity of historical circumstances,however, in which they try to apply that ideal introduces anecessary element of relativity and imperfection in the practice of Islam.An Islamic state cannot be isolated from society, because Islam is a comprehensive,integrated way of life. The division between private and public,the state and society, which is familiar in Western culture, has not been knownin Islam. The state is only the political expression of an Islamic society. Youcannot have an Islamic state except insofar as you have an Islamic society.Any attempt at establishing a political order for the establishment of a genuineIslamic society would be the superimposition of laws over a reluctant society.This is not in the nature of religion; religion is based on sincere conviction andvoluntaiy compliance. Therefore an Islamic state evolves from an Islamicsociety. In certain areas, progress toward an Islamic society may be frustratedby political suppression. Whenever religious energy is thus suppresed, itbuilds up and ultimately erupts either in isolated acts of struggle or resistance,which are called terrorist by those in power, or in a revolution. In circumstanceswhere Islam is allowed free expression, social change takes placepeacefully and gradually, and the Islamic movement develops programs ofIslamization before it takes over the destiny of the state because Islamicthought - like all thought - only flourishes in a social environment of freedomand public consultation (shura) ...


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 62-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kapilmani Dahal

Political parties are the major agents of a political process. In the democratic system of governance, political parties are thought to be the inevitable factors. Political parties are said to be as the lubricant oil of democracy, engine of democracy, fuel of democracy, life line of democracy and energy of democracy in the democratic system. Democracy is the political system which is regulated and performed by the political parties. For the well functioning of a democratic system, the political parties should follow perform the democratic values and norms properly. All the parties but mainly the ruling party or parties should be always committed towards the achievement of democratic values. Party may be polarized but they should not be polarized for and against the democratic norms and values. When political get parties polarized going for and against constitutional guidelines then it may be proved disastrous for democracy. Now in Nepal political parties have been polarized making their own alliance during the election time. Left alliance has declared that they will make the unified single communist party for political stability and economic prosperity. Democratic alliance mainly Nepali congress has claimed that left alliance is not for nation but for imposing totalitarianism and authoritarianism in the country. Polarization of political party will bring both the positive and negative impacts in the democratic polity. To make success the democratic system of governance, party may be polarized and unified but they must not to be polarized to make weaken the democracy. The major objectives of this article are to show the major values of democracy, to show the patterns of polarization of political parties and to analyze the impacts of polarization of political parties. To meet these objectives descriptive-analytical methodology of study has been applied. To draw the conclusion, both qualitative and quantitative information have been taken from secondary method.Journal of Political Science, Volume XVIII, 2018, page: 62-81


1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr

Islamic revivalism is often believed to be solely committed to the Islamization of society, viewing politics as merely an instrument in the struggle to realize its aim. The record of Islamic revivalist movements—as exemplified by one of the oldest and most influential of them, the Jamaʿat-i Islami, or Islamic party of Pakistan—however, brings this presumption into question. The nature of the linkage between Islamic revivalism as a particular interpretive reading of Islam and politics is more complicated than is generally believed. Political interests, albeit still within an Islamic framework, play a more important and central role in the unfolding of revivalism—even overriding the commitment to Islamization—than is often ac knowledged. Participation in the political process eschews a blind commitment to Islamization and encourages adherence to organizational interests, and as is evi dent in the case of Pakistan, to the democratic process, characteristics that are not usually associated with Islamic movements. The dynamics and pace of this pro cess are controlled by the struggles for power within an Islamic movement as well as vis-à-vis the state. It is through grappling with these struggles that the commit ment to Islamization is weighed against the need to adhere to organizational and political interests; this is the process that governs the development of Islamic re vivalism. Beyond this general assertion, the manner in which the struggle for power unfolds, the variables that influence it, and the nature of its impact on the development of revivalism need to be explored further.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-20
Author(s):  
Khanlar A. Gadzhiev

Feedback is one of the most significant elements for political system’s functioning. Not only social and political stability depend on the effectiveness of its channels and mechanisms, and the extent of it being taken into account in the political process, but also resilience of the political system constructed. During the digital age, when the political processes in society are much more intensive in the society and the process of opinion exchange is more open, authorities, on the one hand, have significantly more opportunities for monitoring, analysis and consideration of feedback in order to correct the political course being pursued, and on the other hand, rapid response and decision making are required from authorities. It is primarily connected to the great degree of penetration of the online-environment into peoples’ lives. Here emerged many threatens and risks for authorities connected with the possibility of destructive impact on public opinion and attempt to manipulating it. For this goal the article tries to define the essence of political feedback and its significance for today’s political process; its basic components and their role in political system’s functioning are stated; the potential of political feedback from the point of view of enhancing the effectiveness of decision made by the authorities and adequate response to the public enquiries and demands; finally, the main possible barriers on the way of realization of political feedback.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (10) ◽  
pp. 133-140
Author(s):  
I. V. Ishchenko ◽  
D. V. Dyachenko

In the field of scientific research is the selection and use of approaches for analyzing the state of the political system of society. The collapse of the colonial system, the socialist camp led to the formation of a significant number of states by transitional political regimes. Intensive globalization processes accelerated the already contradictory socio-political processes in transitional and quasi-democratic states. Despite the lack of experience of statehood in some countries, or the lack of democratic political traditions and practices, led to the formation of contradictions between formal and informal rules by the institutions of transitional societies. In the context of the study of the interaction of formal and informal institutions, the question of the use of situational analysis and the synergetic approach, in the process of studying the causes, consequences and the essence of political stability of the instability, is actualized. In cases of situational analysis, it is especially important to note that the essence of the method consists in studying both formal institutions (organizational forms) and informal (practices, models and rules of the game) - as the main subjects and objects of the political process. At the same time, if the situational analysis simply states the presence of certain formal or informal designs, the synergetic approach allows us to trace the dynamics and development of political processes. Considering the political system in which energy acts as the information produced by such formal institutions as political parties and organizations, the synergetic method allows us to consider the system as a self-regulating organization capable of arming the manifestations of political instability. Or vice versa - as a system artificially restraining social entropy, and therefore doomed to destruction, as a result of the action of attractors: economic, political, social, environmental, in the cases of our research.With the help of general scientific (historical, systematic, functional, sociological), general logical methods (analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, analogy, abstraction) and the methods of politological theoretical and applied learning (institutional, structural comparative, comparative, axiological, behavioral), the analysis of the influence of non-institutional factors on the procedural, organizational and structural aspects of the political system is performed. Research allows us to reveal the essence, structure and consequence of existing processes in the political system. The synergistic method and situational approach details the existing processes, enabling to conduct a correct analysis of the relevant processes. Thus, it can be concluded that these two methods make it possible to qualitatively evaluate and demand. This allows us to correct the actual political practice, towards stabilizing the political environment.


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