scholarly journals Illegal guarantees of the legitimacy of state authority

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 127
Author(s):  
Falah Mustafa Sadeq

 In this research, we shown that there are legal guarantees that works to protect the rights and freedoms of individuals from the arbitrariness of the state authorities, and in the case of counting the ability of the legal guarantees to provide the necessary protection for the rights and public freedoms by ensuring the legitimacy of state power. And then we checked control organized political forces represented in media censorship and control of civil Society organizations, through a statement the concept of each of them, and determine the types, as well as the respective roles in ensuring the legitimacy of power through the control exercised by the work of the Authority for individual rights and freedoms guaranteed,and we chose to try to address a statement the concept of revolutionary censorship and types, as well as clarify the jurisprudence own legal adaptation of the revolutionary control and its impact on changing the political system in the state, and the right of people to self-determination through the exercise of this kind of control to ensure the legality of state power.We were checked in this study types A non - legal guarantee of the People's control, and control of organized political forces, and control revolutionary, we focus in our research on the statement types of popular oversight of protests and demonstrations, through the statement of the definition of each of them, and to clarify the types, and a comparison between the different legislation and look at each of them to two term Aforementioned.

1996 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terrence Lyons

The Ethiopian transition, that began with the overthrow of military dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam in May 1991, formally ended with the swearing in of the newly elected Government of the Federal Republic of Ethiopia in August 1995. The intervening four years were a contentious time of clashes among rival political forces to determine the rules under which the transition would be conducted and hence which forces would be favoured. The first act of the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) after deposing Mengistu was to convene a National Conference and establish a Council of Representatives that initially included a wide array of political groups. The EPRDF led throughout this transitional period and capitalised on its commanding position to consolidate its power. The party dominated the political landscape by virtue of its military power, effective organisation and leadership, and control of the agenda and rules of competition. It structured the transition around new ethnically defined regions, a constitution that emphasised self-determination, and a series of largely uncontested elections.


2021 ◽  
pp. 101-138
Author(s):  
Per Selle ◽  
Kristin Strømsnes

A vibrant civil society is important in a democratic system, and society’s contact with, opposition to and control of the political system is crucial for the democratic system to survive. In this chapter we look at the relationship between the Sámi Parliament and Sámi civil society from several perspectives: those of the party leaders and representatives, the civil society organizations, and the voters. We find that Sámi interest and participation in civil society is at the same level as that of the population at large when we measure participation in Sámi and Norwegian organizations combined. We also find that the level and type of contact between the parties represented in the Sámi Parliament and Sámi civil society organizations is limited, and that little points to these organizations having an important advocacy role. Their control and opposition role is weak. We conclude that the political role of Sámi civil society is weak and challenging for the Sámi political system and democracy.


Author(s):  
Grigory N. Kucherenko ◽  

In addition to the official authorities, opposition is always present in any state formation. It can be part of the political system and take part in de-termining the direction of state development, or be repressed and fight for the right to exist. Opposition parties in Cambodia have historically struggled to participate equally in the political process since their inception. This article examines the state of political opposition in Cambodia after the restoration of the monarchy in 1993 and to the present day, in order to determine its status at this stage and future prospects.


Author(s):  
Dejan Matić ◽  

The paper discusses the axiological foundations of constitutional democracy and populism, as well as the influence of populist movements on law, legal processes, liberal democracy and the state order as a whole. The conceptual definition of populism in the situation of stable functioning of the political system inevitably leads to the conclusion that it represents an anomaly and an absolutely retrograde political phenomenon in the conditions of globalization and constant changes in modern societies. A serious crisis of the political system, that is, consequently, of the state- legal order as a whole, puts things on a completely new basis, providing an opportunity for a deeper and more complete understanding of the phenomenon of populism and its impact on constitutionalism and democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (03) ◽  
pp. 244-258
Author(s):  
Vladimir Gaponenko ◽  
Sergey Mazur ◽  
Elena Karpycheva

The article is devoted to legal regulation of the mechanisms of deprivation and recovery of voting rights in the RSFSR and the USSR (1918-1936). Citizens deprived of voting rights because of their carrying on private trade, amounted to a special stratum of the population of Russia (USSR) in the 1920s - the first half of the 1930s Article is of interest to research the fact that the activities of the respective political institutions - control over the implementation of classes private trade and enterprise and the right of suffrage, has focused political, social, anthropological etc. problems inherent in Soviet society at that time. The political and legal aspects of this problem lie in the fact that disenfranchisement and control over the implementation of private trade are political institutions through which the state tried to solve its political, ideological and economic problems.


2018 ◽  
pp. 124-171
Author(s):  
Dmitry Shumsky

This chapter explores the political approaches toward self-determination, the nation, and the state by the founder of the right-wing revisionist movement, Vladimir Ze'ev Jabotinsky (1880–1940). According to Jabotinsky, every nation aspires to “social self-determination,” meaning an optimal demographic concentration in one region that is understood to be its historical homeland. Politically speaking, however, those same nations are also interested in becoming a part of a larger multinational federative state that would serve as an organizing political framework that includes all citizens. Each citizen's national districts/communities would have the critical role of mediating their inclusion as subjects of the governmental sovereignty of the multinational federative state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 241-251
Author(s):  
Izabella Gil

The study describes the legal regulations concerning insolvency in the period of the Second Polish Republic. The political system of the Republic of Poland in the years 1926–1935 is described as authoritarian in order to distinguish it from the total fascist system. The difficult economic and financial situation of the Polish state during the post-partition period required state interference in introducing legal regulations ensuring protection of creditors, while taking into account the rights of debtors who became insolvent for no fault of their own. Bankruptcy became a society-wide problem, albeit of varying severity. The study describes legal regulations concerning insolvency, which are included both in the Ordinance of the President of the Republic of Poland of 24 October 1934, the Law on Settlement Proceedings (Journal of Laws of 1934, No. 93, item 836, with binding force from 1 January 1935), and in the Ordinance of the President of the Republic of Poland of 24 October 1934, the Bankruptcy Law (Journal of Laws of 1934, No. 93, item 834, with binding force from 1 January 1935). The above-mentioned legal acts contained regulations adjusted to the state of insolvency, which is the result of the debtor’s difficult economic and financial situation. The state of the debtor’s insolvency or the threat of insolvency determined whether it was possible to conduct a procedure in which the debtor entered into an arrangement with creditors or whether the debtor should be declared bankrupt. In the case of bankruptcy, a trustee appointed by the bankruptcy court managed the assets of the bankrupt, constituting the bankruptcy estate, and the bankrupt was deprived of the right to manage their assets. The main purpose of bankruptcy proceedings was to sell the assets included in the bankruptcy estate and to achieve equal satisfaction of creditors of the bankrupt debtor. The course of these proceedings was different and depended on whether it was possible to make an arrangement with the creditors or whether it was necessary to implement procedures related to the liquidation of the bankrupt debtor’s assets. Although both legal acts were enacted in the interwar period, they were in force until the entry into force of the Act of 28 February 2003, the Bankruptcy and Reorganization Law (Journal of Laws of 2003, No. 60, item 535), that is, for almost 60 years. Therefore, regardless of the changes in the political system of the Polish state, the insolvency regulations from the authoritarian period in the Second Republic remained in force for many decades. The timelessness of these regulations is confirmed by the fact that some of the legal regulations that were enacted in 1934 are still applied today, although they have been partially modified and adapted to the current economic situation. The entry into force on 1 January 2016 of the Law of 15 May 2018 on Restructuring Law (Journal of Laws of 2015, item 978) resulted in a return to the separation of legal regulations that can be implemented depending on the debtor’s difficult financial situation. The Restructuring Law currently regulates the proceedings enabling an insolvent debtor or a debtor at risk of insolvency to enter into an arrangement with creditors, the effects of an arrangement as well as the conduct of the rehabilitation proceedings. The purpose of the various types of restructuring proceedings is to avoid declaring bankruptcy. On the other hand, the Bankruptcy Law, similarly to the period of the Second Polish Republic, regulates the procedure, the main purpose of which is to achieve equal satisfaction of the creditors of the debtor in the bankruptcy to the highest possible extent, and only if rational considerations allow the debtor’s current enterprise to be retained.


1991 ◽  
Vol 85 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Mitchell

Thestatehas always been difficult to define. Its boundary with society appears elusive, porous, and mobile. I argue that this elusiveness should not be overcome by sharper definitions, but explored as a clue to the state's nature. Analysis of the literature shows that neither rejecting the state in favor of such concepts as the political system, nor “bringing it back in,” has dealt with this boundary problem. The former approach founders on it, the latter avoids it by a narrow idealism that construes the state-society distinction as an external relation between subjective and objective entities. A third approach, presented here, can account for both the salience of the state and its elusiveness. Reanalyzing evidence presented by recent theorists, state-society boundaries are shown to be distinctions erected internally, as an aspect of more complex power relations. Their appearance can be historically traced to technical innovations of the modern social order, whereby methods of organization and control internal to the social processes they govern create theeffectof a state structure external to those processes.


Author(s):  
N. M. MAMEDOVA

About four decades Iran has been under Islamic ruling, a unique  system of state governing combining both secular society rules and  religious principles. While the contradictions between the clergy and  the republicans’ institutions may remain their internal affair, at the  same time they may become evident. The electoral system is one of  the fundamental principles of the state governing in Iran. The  changes in the ratio of Islamic principles and republicans’ rules  (laying behind the political course), depends on the political forces getting the majority in the state governing bodies following the  elections. Often these changes result in the form of mass protest. Notwithstanding the adjustments to the Iran’s state governance have been made, the system fundamentally has been operating within the scope of principles proclaimed by Imam Khomeini. The research  article studies the Iran’s political system distinctions as well as its  evolution triggered by the situation inside the country and the  external factors, that both act in different directions in respect to the modernization processes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


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