Vladimir Jabotinsky

2018 ◽  
pp. 124-171
Author(s):  
Dmitry Shumsky

This chapter explores the political approaches toward self-determination, the nation, and the state by the founder of the right-wing revisionist movement, Vladimir Ze'ev Jabotinsky (1880–1940). According to Jabotinsky, every nation aspires to “social self-determination,” meaning an optimal demographic concentration in one region that is understood to be its historical homeland. Politically speaking, however, those same nations are also interested in becoming a part of a larger multinational federative state that would serve as an organizing political framework that includes all citizens. Each citizen's national districts/communities would have the critical role of mediating their inclusion as subjects of the governmental sovereignty of the multinational federative state.

1962 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 430-439
Author(s):  
José M. Sánchez

Few subjects in recent history have lent themselves to such heated polemical writing and debate as that concerning the Spanish Church and its relationship to the abortive Spanish revolution of 1931–1939. Throughout this tragic era and especially during the Civil War, it was commonplace to find the Church labelled as reactionary, completely and unalterably opposed to progress, and out of touch with the political realities of the twentieth century.1 In the minds of many whose views were colored by the highly partisan reports of events in Spain during the nineteen thirties, the Church has been pictured as an integral member of the Unholy Triumvirate— Bishops, Landlords, and enerals—which has always conspired to impede Spanish progress. Recent historical scholarship has begun to dispel some of the notions about the right-wing groups,2 but there has been little research on the role of the clergy. Even more important, there has been little understanding of the Church's response to the radical revolutionary movements in Spain.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-54
Author(s):  
Adam Wielomski

DIALECTICS ‘WE’–‘ALIENS’ IN RIGHT-WING POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 1789–1945 The aim of the author of this text is to polemicize with the stereotype according to which nationalism is a synonym of the “extreme right.” For this purpose the method of historical exemplification was used. Part I of this text is devoted to defining the concept of the “right” and to present the supporters of the French Revolution and other 19th-century revolutions, their idea of nationalism, the nation-state and sovereignty of the nation. This presentation shows that up to 1890 nationalism is located in the revolutionary left. The first nationalists are Jacobins. The counter-revolutionary right is opposed to nationalism. For this right, nationalism is combined with the idea of empowering nations to the rights of self-determination, which is closely connected with the idea of people’s sovereignty. This situation persists until 1870–1914, when the ideas of national sovereignty are implemented in the politics of the modern states. However, the liberal state does not meet the expectations of nationalists, because it neglects the interests of the nation as the highest value. That is the cause for them moving from the political left to the right part of the political scene, replacing the legitimist right. The latter is annihilated with the decline of aristocracy. In the 19th century, the left is nationalistic and xenophobic. We find clear racist sympathies on the left. The political right does not recognize the right of nations to self-determination, the idea of ethnic boundaries. It is cosmopolitan.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Muhammad Azizzullah Ilyas

Isl?mic teachings believed by some to be inseparable from the life of Isl?mic society, including in-state life which makes democracy a political method complete with party systems but issues heard in Bangladesh that also uses the political method of democracy in the state, parties that embrace Isl?mic ideology a difficult problem was even declared a band party. This study aims to see, analyze with a descriptive approach with library data sources to see the facts that occur, the role of Isl?mic parties and find patterns of an Isl?mic party in Bangladesh, especially the JIB party (Jamaat Islamiyah Bangladesh) in democracy. The results of the study found that Bangladesh, including Flawed Democracy and the Bangladeshi regime, made the reasons for terrorism and history a pretext to suppress the Isl?mic party which is also an opposition government party, especially JIB, which is a fusion of the Bangladesh Muslim League and Isl?mic Democratic League. But despite the party's forbidden right-wing but has alliances with other major parties such as the BNP and Awami League and JIB still articulates through the mouthpiece of secular parties, even the voice of Islamic parties remains the key to BNP victory in elections.


1977 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 447-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael S. Lewis-Beck

What is the political role of the peasantry? Is it a source of revolution or reaction? For the Third World nations, where this is an issue of special importance, the answer is by no means clear. In the advanced capitalist countries, however, the political impact of peasants has become less ambiguous. Although Lipset once argued that radical consciousness in the United States had shown itself primarily through agrarian struggles, farmers have now evolved into perhaps the most conservative occupational group in America. Harrington Moore, considering the historical place of peasants in the modernization of France, England and Germany, details their revolutionary contribution. But, concerning more recent times, Huggett indicates that, in general, the peasants of Western Europe have expressed themselves politically through the parties of the Right. The contemporary evidence presented here demonstrates that these strong right-wing sentiments on the part of the peasantry persist.


1999 ◽  
pp. 106-108
Author(s):  
Anatolii M. Kolodnyi ◽  
Arsen Gudyma ◽  
Oleksandr N. Sagan

Participants of the symposium, having discussed the problem of the existence of Christianity in the context of national self-determination, the ethnoconclusion possibilities of the religious factor, taking into account the peculiarities of the development of Christianity in the political culture of society, the functioning and role of religion in the process of national self-determination of the state, the formation of ethnoconfessional self-consciousness.


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Promitzer

AbstractThe article treats the historical appearance of eugenic thinking in Bulgaria within debates on the notion of degeneration and on Darwinism since the early 1890s. Due to the marginal role of industry and urbanity in a widely rural country, such eugenic ideas initially only attracted a minority among Bulgarian intellectuals who followed similar debates in Russia. In the wake of Bulgaria's defeat in the First World War the focus of eugenic thinking shifted from the left to the right wing of the political specter with German racial hygiene as a new landmark. The article ends with the Bulgarian health legislation of 1929 which introduced voluntary prenuptial health certification.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 201-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yaël Ronen

This Article explores the grounds and consequences of illegal occupation. It proposes that an occupation may be considered illegal if it is involves the violation of a peremptory norm of international law that operates erga omnes, and is related to territorial status. Accordingly, illegal occupations are primarily those achieved through violation of the prohibition on the use of force and of the right to self-determination, or maintained in violation of the right to self-determination. This examination forms the basis for a systematic analysis of specific occupations that have been declared illegal by U.N. organs. The second part of the Article addresses the consequences of an occupation's illegality, in view of the political and legal objectives of determining such illegality. It considers the international responsibility for an illegal occupation; the obligation of non-recognition and the law applicable to an illegal occupation; and the right to self-defense. The Article concludes by commenting on the role of “illegal occupation” as a category under international law.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 127
Author(s):  
Falah Mustafa Sadeq

 In this research, we shown that there are legal guarantees that works to protect the rights and freedoms of individuals from the arbitrariness of the state authorities, and in the case of counting the ability of the legal guarantees to provide the necessary protection for the rights and public freedoms by ensuring the legitimacy of state power. And then we checked control organized political forces represented in media censorship and control of civil Society organizations, through a statement the concept of each of them, and determine the types, as well as the respective roles in ensuring the legitimacy of power through the control exercised by the work of the Authority for individual rights and freedoms guaranteed,and we chose to try to address a statement the concept of revolutionary censorship and types, as well as clarify the jurisprudence own legal adaptation of the revolutionary control and its impact on changing the political system in the state, and the right of people to self-determination through the exercise of this kind of control to ensure the legality of state power.We were checked in this study types A non - legal guarantee of the People's control, and control of organized political forces, and control revolutionary, we focus in our research on the statement types of popular oversight of protests and demonstrations, through the statement of the definition of each of them, and to clarify the types, and a comparison between the different legislation and look at each of them to two term Aforementioned.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


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