Closing the Transition: the May 1995 Elections in Ethiopia

1996 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terrence Lyons
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
Transitional Period ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Power ◽  
National Conference ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
And Control ◽  
Political Groups

The Ethiopian transition, that began with the overthrow of military dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam in May 1991, formally ended with the swearing in of the newly elected Government of the Federal Republic of Ethiopia in August 1995. The intervening four years were a contentious time of clashes among rival political forces to determine the rules under which the transition would be conducted and hence which forces would be favoured. The first act of the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) after deposing Mengistu was to convene a National Conference and establish a Council of Representatives that initially included a wide array of political groups. The EPRDF led throughout this transitional period and capitalised on its commanding position to consolidate its power. The party dominated the political landscape by virtue of its military power, effective organisation and leadership, and control of the agenda and rules of competition. It structured the transition around new ethnically defined regions, a constitution that emphasised self-determination, and a series of largely uncontested elections.

scholarly journals Illegal guarantees of the legitimacy of state authority

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 127
Author(s):  
Falah Mustafa Sadeq
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
And Control ◽  
Media Censorship

 In this research, we shown that there are legal guarantees that works to protect the rights and freedoms of individuals from the arbitrariness of the state authorities, and in the case of counting the ability of the legal guarantees to provide the necessary protection for the rights and public freedoms by ensuring the legitimacy of state power. And then we checked control organized political forces represented in media censorship and control of civil Society organizations, through a statement the concept of each of them, and determine the types, as well as the respective roles in ensuring the legitimacy of power through the control exercised by the work of the Authority for individual rights and freedoms guaranteed,and we chose to try to address a statement the concept of revolutionary censorship and types, as well as clarify the jurisprudence own legal adaptation of the revolutionary control and its impact on changing the political system in the state, and the right of people to self-determination through the exercise of this kind of control to ensure the legality of state power.We were checked in this study types A non - legal guarantee of the People's control, and control of organized political forces, and control revolutionary, we focus in our research on the statement types of popular oversight of protests and demonstrations, through the statement of the definition of each of them, and to clarify the types, and a comparison between the different legislation and look at each of them to two term Aforementioned.

A Study of Political Discourses in Egypt Post-Mubarak Era

2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110491
Author(s):  
Abbas Keshavarz Shokri ◽  
Jabbar Shojaei
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Target Groups ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Made In

The collapse of the Mubarak regime on 25 January 2011 marked the beginning of profound discursive challenges in Egypt. Following the January Revolution, the political forces and discourses long suppressed by Mubarak finally felt free to participate in the political struggles of the time, and attempted to lead the charge in the rebuilding and reorganizing process of Egyptian society. To shed light on the origin and characteristics of these discourses, attempts have been made in this paper to explain through discourse analysis the four major political discourses in today’s Egypt: democratic Islamism, authoritarian Islamism, secular democracy, and secular authoritarianism, and also to identify the political groups representing each discourse, their target groups, the method of their argumentation, and finally their proposed political agenda. To explain these discourses, the a posteriori discourse method is used, i.e. identifying the history of the formation of components and features of discourses. To this end, the discourse analysis of theorists such as Foucault and Van Dyke has been used to examine political discourses in Egypt. The factors used to examine the discourses are: discourse producers, discourse audiences, discourse content, and discourse actions.

scholarly journals COVID-19 AND POLITICAL PROCESS IN ITALY IN 2021

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 112-121
Author(s):  
Elena Alekseenkova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Development Model ◽  
Economic Recovery ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Second Year ◽  
The Impact

The paper examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the political process in Italy in 2021. The author analyzes the change of government in February 2021 and the country’s economic recovery and resilience plan, as well as changes in the party-political landscape that occurred in the second year of the pandemic. The study showed that there is an increase in the factors of personalization of power and the strengthening of the executive branch and stagnation of the party landscape in the absence of a clear leader among political forces. The center-right and center-left coalitions are comparable in terms of citizens’ support, but at the same time the level of frustration is growing, reflecting the dissatisfaction of citizens with any of the parties. We can say that there is a certain feeling of the lack of alternative to the proposed development model and the absence of the very request for an alternative. Against this background, the ideas of sovranism so popular recently, it seems, no longer have any prospects.

The socio-cultural dynamics of development: part 3 development through agency theory

Kybernetes ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (7) ◽  
pp. 1871-1898
Author(s):  
Maurice Yolles
Keyword(s):  
Agency Theory ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Development Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Dynamics ◽  
Activity System ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Adaptive Activity

Purpose Agency is inherently an institution and involves dynamic socio-cultural processes that facilitate development. This paper is written in three parts. The purpose in Part 1 was to represent agency theory as an institutional theory, and consideration was made of the relationship between development, growth and globalisation. In Part 2, the purpose was to explore development with respect to the political context, explaining in terms of culture under what conditions political groups may come to power. Using political frames intended to define their nature and realities, they seek to attract agents in their political sphere to gain administrative power. In this Part 3, the purpose of this paper is to model, using cybernetic agency theory, the nature of development and reduction to instrumentality. Design/methodology/approach Development theory is a multidisciplinary field in which research and theories are clustered together and set within an adaptive institutional activity system framework. An adaptive activity system has a plural membership of agents represented by agency. In Parts 1 and 2 of this paper, agency was shown to have an institutional basis. Activity system development was also explained as a process of institutional evolution, and its potential was shown to provide power acquisition in a political landscape by competitive political frames which vie for support in a place of potentially susceptible agents. Here in Part 3, agency theory will be used to model the dynamic relationships between political frames and the agents that they wish to attract by projecting both cognitive and emotional structures, this enabling the anticipation of behaviour. Findings These relate to the three parts of the paper taken together. Agency is an evolutionary institutional system that can represent socio-political development. A model for political development has been created that identifies the conditions under which formal political groups are able to promote frames of policy to attract support from autonomous agents that constitute the membership of the activity system, and hence gain agency status. On the way to this, it connects Bauman’s theory of liquid modernity to Sorokin’s theory of socio-cultural dynamics and cultural stability. One result is the notion of liquid development, an unstable condition of development in adaptive activity systems. Agency theory can usefully explain detailed changes in agency, the relationships between agency agents, and interactions between agencies, this embracing institutional processes. Research limitations/implications The implication of this research is that it will allow empirical methods to be used that potentially enables political outcomes in complex socio-political environments to be anticipated, given additional appropriate measurement criteria. Originality/value The synergy of agency and institutional theories to explain the process of development is new, as is its application to the political development process in a political landscape. As part of this synergistic process, it has been shown how Bauman’s concept of liquidity relates to Sorokin’s ideas of socio-cultural change.

scholarly journals Politisk avstand ved sametingsvalg: En kartlegging av det samiske ideologiske landskapet i Norge1

2021 ◽  
pp. 181-204
Author(s):  
Johannes Bergh ◽  
Jo Saglie
Keyword(s):  
Coalition Formation ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Central Issue ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Party Differences ◽  
Political Differences

In this chapter, we explore the ideological and political landscape of Sámi electoral politics. Which ideological and political cleavages are important in Sámi politics, and how do these cleavages manifest themselves in voting patterns and party differences? We use the Sámi election surveys from 2013 to 2017. The analysis describes a Sámi political landscape with small ideological and political differences, where primarily the Progress Party stands out. Voters who favour this party are far from other party voters on the central issue of Sámi self-determination, and there is a mutually frosty relationship between Progress Party voters and other voters. On some issues, Conservative Party voters are in an intermediate position between the Progress Party voters and the rest, and voters for the Nordkalottfolket party also have a somewhat different profile. However, the differences between the remaining parties are less clear. This also applies to the two main competitors, the NSR and the Labour Party, and the political distances found in our survey questions cannot explain the pattern of coalition formation in the Sámi Parliament. The relatively small distances between the largest parties can be advantageous in dealing outwardly with the Norwegian state. Internally, however, small political distances can blur the political landscape in the eyes of the voters and make it difficult to choose between parties.

scholarly journals Urban Interiority and the Spatial Processes of Securitisation in Medellin

Interiority ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-48
Author(s):  
Christina Deluchi
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Spatial Processes ◽  
Interior Space ◽  
Territorial Conflict ◽  
Power And Control ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
And Control ◽  
Spatial Logics ◽  
Radical Transformation

Medellín, Colombia, a city best known for its violent history and subsequent radical transformation, hosts multiple political forces of varying degrees of legitimacy. In this context, architecture was mobilised as a physical weapon in the city’s urban regions. As an extension of this architectural condition, the city’s landscape has repeatedly been appropriated and repurposed to enforce state and criminal agency. Medellín’s cultural geography became increasingly unstable as both real and imagined threats lingered in the spaces of every day – apartment towers, gated communities, supermarkets, TV and radio, imbued with violent operational spatial logics. In detecting processes of regulation, protection, and surveillance, the political instrumentality and larger urban implications of interior space in Medellín are revealed through architectural objects and spatial devices of control. As techniques of securitisation, these processes provide evidence for the construction of Medellín’s interiority, an urban condition founded on political violence and withdrawal. The objects and devices of this interiority are often remarkably ordinary, yet they are the political tools that indoctrinate a military-style urbanism that interprets, registers, and shapes territorial conflict. The mobilisation of Medellín’s interiority in the pursuit of power and control has manufactured an urban imaginary governed by the constant threat of violence.

scholarly journals The Fulfillment of Nationwide Interests of Post-War Germany in the Dimension of ‘Chancellor Democracy’

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrii Kudriachenko
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
National Interests ◽  
German Development ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
National Leaders ◽  
Post War ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Right

Abstract. Summing up the modern course of events regarding political leadership in Germany and on the basis of activities of eight chancellors, the author contends the following: The decisive factor in ascension to the political Olympus is the affiliation with either of the two parties, the SPD or the CDU/CSU union, with the nominee’s leadership qualities and political acumen playing an essential role. Even if these conditions are met, the contender’s choice of situation and time where these qualities would be sought after is quite important. It was the political developments of a certain historical era that became an imperative for some politicians to take the reins of power and use them to the full extent. Indeed, at turning points in the history of the Federal Republic, the most crucial decisions were prepared at the German Chancellery and made unilaterally by the chancellor. The author of the article emphasises that chance cannot be ruled out. To become a successful leader in Germany, the much-needed person must be in the right place at the right time. Proof of that is the example of German federal chancellors. The political landscape, democratic footing, and well-structured state and political set-up have enabled only two political parties, the CDU/CSU and the SPD, to nominate from their ranks those who could become national leaders of their historical epoch. The basis of ‘chancellor democracy’ as a system of state and political power has never impeded but enabled such ascension for outstanding personalities. Quite a few of them have become some sort of fathers of the nation. Able leadership that has benefited national interests and fitted into the plane of German development prospects has defined the personal success of both political figures and public officials of national scope. Keywords: Federal Republic of Germany, federal chancellor, political landscape, SPD, CDU/CSU.

scholarly journals Quote/Unquote

1970 ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Lebanese American University
Keyword(s):  
Skill Acquisition ◽  
Third World ◽  
Social Power ◽  
Social Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
State Of Mind ◽  
The Third World ◽  
And Control

"Various definitions of empowerment for women exist. Empowerment is a process of gaining understanding of, and control over, the political forces around one as a means of improving one's standing in society. This requires awareness of one's situation, skill acquisition that enables change, and working jointly in effecting change. It involves 'claiming equality' instead of waiting for others to provide it. Empowerment can be used for social mobilization, changing women's state of mind, and gaining access to the bases of social power. ... Empowerment begins when women 'change their ideas about the causes of their powerlessness, when they recognize the systemic forces that oppress them, and when they act to change the conditions of their lives. '" (Women in the Third World: An Encyclopedia of Contemporary Issues, pp. 498 - 499)

scholarly journals The Process of Institutionalization of the Green Party in the Federal Republic of Germany in 1979–2019

2020 ◽  
pp. 94-99
Author(s):  
Irina Sergeyevna Berezina ◽  
Geht Anton Borisovich ◽  
Tsverianashvili Ivan Alekseyevich ◽  
Shutman Denis Valeryevich
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Party Formation ◽  
Multi Stage ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Status

The present research considers the problem of insti-tutionalization of the Green Party in Germany for the period of 40 years, which was determined by a multi-stage process of the party formation, as well as the innovative approach of “The Greens” in the devel-opment of the party's political course. “The Greens” began their activities by creating small local envi-ronmental groups, which by the 1980s had formed a single political party and began to actively partici-pate in the political life of the country, which had marked the beginning of “The Greens” institutional-ization process. Initially, the party positioned itself as an “alternative” to existing traditional political forces, which was clearly reflected in their proposed initiatives. However, over time, during the institu-tionalization process, “The Greens” began to move towards a “systemic” integration into the political life of the Federal Republic of Germany, and the status of “marginal opposition” disappeared. During its existence, the party put forward hundreds of var-ious initiatives aimed at improving the environmen-tal situation and the socio-economic system of Germany. These initiatives found receptive audience among the country’s population, which in recent years has had a positive impact on the dynamics of the party's popularity and made it one of the main socio-political forces in the country, finally complet-ing the process of institutionalizing “The Greens”.

scholarly journals GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION - THE BINOMIAL DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE

2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-86
Author(s):  
Alina Gabriela Marinescu ◽  
Cornel Popescu
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Normative Power ◽  
Essential Aspect ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Political Groups

An essential aspect of the political relations is represented by the relationbetween power and opposition, the power being in the meaning of this relationship thelegitimate capacity to impose its own will or to exert the authority, which reveals a relationof domination. The two socio-political entities, government and opposition, acts by its specificmeans and in a democratic system these ease the confrontation of ideas, solutions, opencompetition between political forces generating the alternation in power, as a result of theelectorate's will and political orientation.Generally, the power is assimilated to the force or capacity of constraint, whichsuggests that, from a certain perspective, the imposition of the political will.In the socio-political area, J.J. Rousseau in his "Social Contract" stated that the mostpowerful is not strong enough to always be the "master", if he does not transform the forceinto law and subjection into duty, so that the normative power shall emerge from a socialmorality stated by the law. As the pair term of the "power", the opposition is the ensemble ofthe political groups, parties or alliances, which, taken separately or as an ensemble, areopposing the political regime in force or the actual government's policy.

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