scholarly journals Soft Power In the politics and reform process of China (1978-1992)

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 16-23
Author(s):  
Hiwa Aziz Saeed ◽  
Ayub Zahir Tawfeeq

China is one of the rare world events that almost every country in the world has unforgettable. This may become the basis for the development of economic, political and ideological methods within a short and precise time frame. China has developed from a primitive agricultural country such as life cycle, medical care, education and local standard management to a country with strong economic, scientific and technological strength. Regional and international norms have transformed China from a ruined and despised country into a valuable international political force. While influencing the international and regional political equations, it also puts the world’s powerful countries first. This is the application of soft power in politics and international relations, enabling them to obtain basic materials for establishing and strengthening local politics and conducting social, scientific, military, and technological reforms while voluntarily joining the bondage. And closed the door on a regional and international scale. Establish standards and establish opaque diplomatic relations with different continents. Through these standards, they can ensure the market for their products and provide the necessary energy for the production process they initiate.

2021 ◽  
pp. 134-170
Author(s):  
Katharine Ellis

Bands, chamber ensembles, and (especially) orchestral societies acted as indicators of the musical maturity of urban centers. Together with conservatoires and opera houses, orchestras formed centers of gravity often overseen by town councils as an interconnected unit or as a set of overlapping units. A relative lack of state regulation resulted in less focus on centralization and more on internal organization (including dealing with the progressive unionization of musicians), rivalries between concert societies, and distinctive patterns in repertory selection and programming. Nevertheless, a strong touring circuit for composer-conductors, the soft power of Parisian institutions (notably the Concerts Populaires of Jules Pasdeloup), and town council demands for standard repertory rather than new music, meant that regionalist particularism had little part to play. Angers, Bordeaux, Montpellier, Nancy, and Toulouse provide case-studies of the intersections of local politics, concert administration and orchestral professionalization; Lyon, Lille, and Strasbourg emerge as centers with an especially distinctive mix of chamber and orchestral music, especially during the Third Republic.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 328-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen E. Hanson

The twenty-fifth anniversary of the collapse of the USSR naturally provokes us to reflect on the course of Eurasian and world history in the post-communist era. Upon closer examination, however, it is not clear what significance the precise time span of two and a half decades has for the scientific study of political and institutional change. A review of the social science literature indicates that we are very far from having any consensual understanding of how long processes of regime evolution typically take—and thus, how to establish the relevant time span for judging the scientific accuracy of initial predictions about the outcomes of post-communist “transitions.” I argue that the first step in assessing the lessons of post-Soviet political change to date, from a social-scientific point of view, lies in defining the term “regime” more precisely, so that scholars can at least agree when one regime has ended and another begun. In this respect, Weberian sociological theory provides useful conceptual materials for a more general theory of “regime evolution” within which the empirical results of the first twenty-five years of post-Soviet change can be situated.


Author(s):  
Dalsooz Jalal Hussein

This article empirically examines the competition of the world’s counties for the establishment of their diplomatic relations with non-state actor. It is underlined that the government of the Kurdistan region, which has used “soft power” to draw attention of the states. Among other tools, hydrocarbons (oil and gas) placed the main soft power policy of the Kurdistan government for its global movement. It is proven that the economic and hydrocarbon ambitions have led states to overpass their traditional understanding of global diplomacy; and this further inspires some of the previously antagonistic states to reshape their relations with non-state actor towards considering a close partner. The drawn conclusions correlated with the idea that the Kurdistan government would be more actively involved in the global diplomacy due to its oil and gas wealth.


Author(s):  
Dalsooz Jalal Hussein

The author of the article empirically studies the way countries are competing for establishing diplomatic relations with a non-governmental actor. The author focuses on the government of the Kurdistan region which uses its soft power to attract the attention of countries. Among other instruments, hydrocarbon fuels (oil and gas) were the main driving force of the Kurdistan region’s soft power. The author proves that economic and hydrocarbon ambitions have made the countries transform their traditional understanding of global diplomacy which inspires some former antagonist states to rebuild their relations with a non-governmental actor even more, and even to consider it as their close partner. The conclusions of the research correspond with the idea that the Kurdistan region will more actively participate in global diplomacy as it is rich in oil and gas resources.   


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Aji Adira Fadia Putri Padmo ◽  
Achbil Khumaini Fajrin Muhammad ◽  
Adityamas Perdana Al-Hafidh ◽  
Muhammad Aria Senna

<p align="center"><em>Abstract</em></p><p><em>South Korea implements a soft power strategy, namely cultural diplomacy through the Korean Wave in its diplomatic relations with Indonesia. This strategy has get responded positively to relations between the two countries because the Korean Wave is now one of the most popular cultures in Indonesia. This paper aims to identify and analyze the interest of K-Pop cultural diplomacy on the cooperation between South Korea and Indonesia. The Korean Wave is part of Korean cultural diplomacy in Indonesia and has a great influence on bilateral relations between the two countries. South Korea has a great opportunity for the interest of the Indonesian people to K-Pop music because it can be used as a means of increasing closer cooperation with Indonesia, especially in the economic and socio-cultural fields</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong><em>: Cultural Diplomacy, South Korea, Indonesia, Korean Wave, Soft Power</em></p><p align="center">Abstrak</p><p>Korea Selatan menerapkan soft power strategy yaitu diplomasi budaya melalui Korean Wave dalam hubungan diplomatiknya dengan Indonesia. Strategi ini telah memberikan respon positif terhadap hubungan kedua negara karena Korean Wave kini menjadi salah satu budaya yang paling diminati oleh masyarakat Indonesia. Paper ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis kepentingan diplomasi budaya K-Pop terhadap hubungan kerjasama Korea Selatan dan Indonesia.  Korean Wave yang merupakan bagian dari diplomasi budaya Korea di Indonesia dan memiliki pengaruh yang besar terhadap hubungan bilateral kedua Negara. Korea Selatan mempunyai peluang yang besar atas ketertarikan masyarakat Indonesia terhadap musik K-Pop karena hal tersebut dapat dijadikan sebagai alat untuk meningkatkan kerjasama yang lebih erat dengan Indonesia, khususnya di bidang ekonomi dan sosial budaya</p><p><strong>Kata Kunci: </strong>Diplomasi Budaya, Korea Selatan, Indonesia, Korean Wave, Soft Power</p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 126
Author(s):  
Elira Luli

Today, in times of globalization and anarchy regarding global security concerns and global order in general, one can expect a dramatic shift to soft power in approaching unresolved sensitive issues that have plagued and petrified the whole system of international relations. But since there is friction and lack of constructive communication between great powers global disorder will continue to disperse divergences, conflicts, exclusions, cultural-ideological biases and extremism around the world. The world environment reveals itself uncertain with a bunch of challenges ahead that require the utilization of soft power values and its potential to resolve some of these sensitive issues in a durable time frame. Although globalization tends to shrink the role of hard power in general because of the growing interdependence relation among states, one can still observe some cases where states base their actions solely on hard power or are still attached to its means and strategies. Conversely, other states seem unwilling to share and exchange values or attracts other actors or states by argument or persuasion in order to achieve common goals. This paper aims to analyze the role of soft power, namely the power to persuade and attract through its “values dimension”, its effectiveness to complement hard power and cases where its role has been ignored.


2000 ◽  
Vol 37 (8) ◽  
pp. 1121-1142 ◽  
Author(s):  
James N Connelly ◽  
Jeroen AM van Gool ◽  
Flemming C Mengel

The east-northeast-trending Paleoproterozoic Nagssugtoqidian Orogen of West Greenland records the response of deep crust to collision of the North Atlantic craton and a lesser known cratonic mass to the north. This paper presents conventional U–Pb ages of documented magmatic and thermotectonic events within this orogen, thus providing a precise time frame for its development and offering a test of previous spatial and temporal correlations with segments of the Trans-Hudson Orogen of northern Labrador and Quebec. Convergence of the two cratons culminated in a collision that commenced after 1873+7–4 Ma, the crystallization age of the youngest known pre-Nagssugtoqidian, subduction-related intrusion. Earliest collisional deformation was thrust dominated (west-northwest vergent) and caused thickening and consequent heating to peak temperatures by ca. 1850 Ma. Subsequent north-south shortening at elevated temperatures was accommodated by a fold-dominated style of deformation dated at 1825 ± 1 Ma. Between 1821 and 1778 Ma, temperatures remained sufficiently high to generate pegmatites, metamorphic zircon, and titanite, but no major, penetrative structures are known to have formed in this interval. Further shortening between 1779 ± 6 and 1774 ± 6 Ma exploited preexisting fabrics in steep F3 fold limbs to form discrete, east-northeast – west-southwest-oriented, sinistral steep belts that are not important crustal boundaries. One of these late, steep belts is cut by 1772–1761 Ma pegmatites, indicating that deformation was waning by this time. Slow cooling followed the late shearing, with rutile closing in the central Nagssugtoqidian Orogen as late as 1676 ± 10 Ma. The timing of tectonic events in the Nagssugtoqidian Orogen is indistinguishable from that of the Quebec–Baffin and Torngat segments of the Trans-Hudson Orogen of northeastern Laurentia. Accepting an intercratonic setting for the Nagssugtoqidian Orogen, this new data require that the Quebec–Baffin, Torngat, and Nagssugtoqidian orogens meet in a triple junction offshore. This geometry implies a genetic link between the Rinkian and Nagssugtoqidian belts of West Greenland, thereby defining a middle- to deep-crustal collisional belt more than 900 km wide.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mrittunjoy Guha Majumdar

In this article, the nuances of science diplomacy are explored and its importance highlighted in contemporary diplomatic relations and negotiations. For the diplomats of the day, this new addition to the vanguard of diplomacy has come with a lot of additional resources and opportunities, over and above the traditional elements of 'soft power', which is anapproach to international relations that involves persuasion using economic and/ or cultural influences. The article concludes with a vision and direction for this realm of diplomacy in the days to come.


Subject The US Navy's reorientation to the needs of the Asia-Pacific region. Significance One of the material foundations for the US military restructuring since the end of major counterinsurgency operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, and subsequent reorientation to the Asia-Pacific, has been the development of a 'brown water navy'. This is to operate in coastal areas (where the water can be brown with sediment from rivers) rather than the US navy's traditional strength in the open seas ('blue water'). However, budget battles and cost overruns threaten the ship built for this doctrine. Impacts Smaller ships should help the diplomatic relations of the 'pivot', as they are more likely to be sold to partner nations. Greater humanitarian operational capacity will also help US soft power in the region. However, the need for basing and re-supply could provide US allies greater leverage in aid negotiations.


2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 161-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary D. Rawnsley

This paper analyses how Taiwan exercises “soft power” and uses public diplomacy to engage with the international community, and to compensate for the absence of formal diplomatic relations with major powers. The research suggests that Taiwan's strategies of international engagement are constrained by its external and internal political environments. The international system (structure) has locked Taiwan into a set of challenging arrangements over which it has little control or influence, while Taiwan's public diplomacy architecture and the activities organised and undertaken by its government agencies in Taibei and its representatives abroad (agency) reveal, at best, a misunderstanding of how Taiwan's soft power might be exercised more effectively. The strategic thematic choices of legitimacy (invoking Taiwan's international status) versus credibility (which in soft power terms offers the most benefit), and the decision to privilege cultural over political themes in international communications, all have profound effects on the success of Taiwan's soft power.


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