The future of the Saudi Political System in Light of Internal Variables

Author(s):  
Amin Sharif ◽  
Hewa Ahmed

Saudi Arabia enjoys a privileged position in the Middle East by virtue of its strategic position, and because of its political, economic and religious factors, as the Saudi political system was established in 1744 in accordance with a political-religious agreement between the Al Saud and the religious institution represented by the Wahhabi da'wa (Salafism), and continued to receive its legitimacy and support from it, tribalism also took an important aspect in maturity, and the expansion of the influence of this country until the oil wealth contributed to its development, and strengthened its relations with the outside world, which in turn casts an important aspect of maturity, and the expansion of the influence of this country until the oil wealth contributed to its development, and strengthened its relations with the outside world, which in turn casts an important aspect of maturity. In the importance of future studies that address topics related to Saudi domestic and external affairs, notably the issue of reform. The reform trends in Saudi Arabia coincided with its opening to the world specifically western countries in the early 1990s, and increased elitist and popular calls for reform, as well as a number of structural causes that reinforced the alliance between the political and religious institution that clearly controlled the social, political and civil life of the Kingdom. This study is concerned with the reform process in the Saudi political system by showing the future scenes of that process, and then relying on internal variables, and the study tries in the framework of its problem to answer a key question: where is the Saudi political system going in light of internal variables. The hypothesis of the study in the context of future studies is based on an optimistic scene that supports the success of the reform process in Saudi Arabia, and another pessimistic scene that believes that the political system in the Kingdom will remain the same, if not turn into a worse state than it is now.

2007 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-111
Author(s):  
Virginie Collombier

Beyond the relative opening of the political system that characterized 2005 in Egypt — with the President being elected directly for the first time and the increased competition allowed during legislative elections — the 2005 elections also constituted an opportunity to consider and evaluate the internal struggles for influence under way within the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP). In a context largely influenced by the perspective of President Husni Mubarak's succession and by calls for reform coming from both internal and external actors, changes currently occurring at the party level may have a decisive impact on the future of the Egyptian regime.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (12-3) ◽  
pp. 59-67
Author(s):  
Abdullah Hazaa Othmann ◽  
Oleg Grishin ◽  
Olga Nesterchuk

The article includes internal and external changes in the Saudi political system. Since King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz took over the reins of power in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia at the end of January 2015, and questions have increased about the nature of the changes occurring in the country of the Two Holy Mosques, both internally and externally, which marks an era of transformation from stability and stagnation in foreign policy to an era of change and adaptation to the crises of the current circumstances and dealing with dangerous transformations at the regional level, and especially since the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is one of the countries at the heart of the regional Arab order and is the center of leadership in the Islamic world with its spiritual and religious stature and Its influential strategic location in the Arabian Peninsula and the Arab and Islamic worlds. At the international level, the economic situation of the Kingdom and it’s being the owner of the largest oil reserves in the world and the largest country in terms of the volume of oil exported daily, as well as its distinguished relations with the United States, Russia, and other Western countries gave the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia a position on the global level.


2020 ◽  
pp. 0308518X2094852
Author(s):  
Miles Kenney-Lazar ◽  
SiuSue Mark

Since the mid- to late- 1980s, Laos and Myanmar (Burma) have gradually and unevenly opened their economies to capitalist relations of accumulation. Both countries have done so by granting state land concessions to private capital for resource extraction and land commodification projects, particularly since the early 2000s. Yet, resource capitalism has manifested in distinct ways in both places due to the ways in which capital has interacted with unique pre-capitalist political-economic and social relations as well as the diverse political reactions of Lao and Myanmar people to capitalist transformations. In this paper, we analyze such differences through a conceptualization of ‘variegated transitions’, an extension of the variegated capitalism framework, which investigates the political economic transitions towards capitalism in marginalized, resource extractive countries of the Global South. In Myanmar, the transition from military to democratic rule has been marked by protests and land occupations combined with center-periphery fragmentation and ongoing civil wars, all of which have led to a heavily contested process of land concession granting. In contrast, a stable, comparatively centralized political system in Laos that restrains popular protest has enabled an expanding regime of land concessions for resource extraction projects, albeit hemmed in at the edges by sporadic, localized forms of resistance and appeals to the state.


1996 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clayton W. Dumont

The Pacific Northwest has become the site of a bitterly fought struggle over the future of the remaining 10% of the region's ancient, or “old growth,” forests. The remaining stands of these forests are important components of the local economy and of the region's ecology. The article begins with a brief description of the economic and ecological crises which are now coming to fruition as a result of the loss of 90% of these forests. It then provides a description of the cultural heritage and sense of community which is being lost in the small, timber-dependent communities of the region—a social crisis resulting from the economic and ecological crises. In conclusion, the article argues that all of these crises should be understood as resulting from the political, economic, and historical circumstances which facilitated the emergence of the largest and wealthiest timber ownership.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 488
Author(s):  
Herlambang Perdana Wiratraman

AbstractThe politics of decentralization after Suharto provided more space in the discourse of adat justice in Indonesia. The problem is that the legal political process does not stand in empty space. Adat justice issues in the political system that regulates political-economic authority, which is supported by the character of the persistence of a network of oligarchs, massive destruction of destructive natural resources, and corrupt and feudalistic bureaucracies. This article encourages local democracy that fosters broad community participation, including encouraging the work of adat justice, has paralyzed the empowerment of the judiciary itself, so that the legal politics of adat justice openly triggers a symbol of certain feudalism protection.IntisariKonteks politik desentralisasi pasca Suharto memberi ruang lebih dalam diskursus peradilan adat di Indonesia. Masalahnya, proses politik hukum itu tak berdiri di ruang kosong. Peradilan adat berinteraksi dalam sistem politik yang menampilkan kuasa ekonomi-politik, yang dipenuhi dengan karakter bertahannya jaringan oligarki, eksploitasi sumberdaya alam yang masif nan merusak, serta birokrasi yang korup dan feodalistik. Artikel ini memperlihatkan demokratisasi lokal yang menumbuhkan partisipasi masyarakat secara luas, termasuk mendorong bekerjanya mekanisme peradilan adat, telah melumpuhkan keberdayaan peradilan itu sendiri, sehingga politik hukum peradilan adat, secara bertahap melahirkan simbolisasi kuasa feodalisme tertentu.


Author(s):  
О.N. GRISHAEVA ◽  
О.А. NESTERCHUK ◽  
V.P. BELYAEVA

In the article, the authors reviewed some scenarios for the development of the institute of presidency in modern Russia. The attention is focused on the fact that in the future the institute of the presidency will strengthen. The expert community explores the prospects for the development of the political system in modern Russia during V.V. Putins fourth presidential term and the issue of prospects and possible change in the Constitution of the Russian Federation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 487-497
Author(s):  
Magdalena Steciąg

As a result of complex and closely-related social, political, economic and technological processes, significant changes are now occurring in the European language situation. While these processes foster participation in the transnational communication community, they also reinforce the linguistic identity, based on their distinction. In view of these contradictory but non-exclusive trends, one should consider the multilingual systems that would better reflect the dynamics of real changes. For this purpose, the concept of lingua receptiva will be presented. Geographical and cultural perspectives are taken into account in this paper. Emphasis is on the space of discursive interculturalism, in which contacts in more or less fixed language constellations constantly take place. Its allocation on the political map of the European continent is not performative, but based on the literature. However, it does illustrate the challenges for the future of European receptive multilingualism.


Author(s):  
Robert Zapart

In this article, the author discusses the expansion of the principle of disclosure in parts of the state’s security policy which regard screening procedures that make it possible to access classified information by those interested in the work or service in particular public spheres. To reduce the risk of the state organs making decisions based on extra-substantive factors, the author postulates to include the Ombudsman in the above procedures. This person would balance the position of the parties engaged in the procedure and strengthen the protection of the rights and freedoms of individuals. In a broader context, this idea, built on the premise of preventing undesirable phenomena related to concessions on citizens’ subjectivity, should increase their trust in the state’s security policy. They need to be convinced that proper organs, with secure positions within the political system, hold competences allowing them to make justified interventions that protect the citizens. It will not, however, change the face of the discussion of great importance for the future of the state – on individual citizens resigning from a part of their rights and freedoms in favour of security.


2020 ◽  
Vol 87 (6) ◽  
pp. 2568-2599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurent Bouton ◽  
Alessandro Lizzeri ◽  
Nicola Persico

Abstract This article presents a dynamic political-economic model of total government obligations. Its focus is on the interplay between debt and entitlements. In our model, both are tools by which temporarily powerful groups can extract resources from groups that will be powerful in the future: debt transfers resources across periods; entitlements directly target the future allocation of resources. We prove the following results. First, the presence of endogenous entitlements dampens the incentives of politically powerful groups to accumulate debt, but it leads to an increase in total government obligations. Second, fiscal rules can have perverse effects: if entitlements are unconstrained, and there are capital market frictions, debt limits lead to an increase in total government obligations and to worse outcomes for all groups. Analogous results hold for entitlement limits. Third, our model sheds some lights on the influence of capital market frictions on the incentives of governments to adopt fiscal rules, and implement entitlement programs. Finally, we identify preference polarization as a possible explanation for the joint growth of debt and entitlements.


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