Corporate Independent Spending in the Post-BCRA to Pre-Citizens United Era

2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Clark Muntean

This paper proposes a theory of political action based upon ownership structure and tests this theory utilizing data on independent expenditures during the campaign finance regulatory regime consisting of the period after the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 and before the U.S. Supreme Court's Citizens United decision in 2010. The results suggest a strong relationship between the presence of an entrepreneur or founding family and firm participation in electoral politics via contributions to independent political organizations. Both privately held and publicly traded firms with a principal owner present are more likely to contribute to independent political organizations in the first place, and once they do contribute, give a far greater amount relative to firms without a principal owner. The implications for the post-Citizens United era and possible motivations behind independent expenditures and their impact on other stakeholders including investors, employees, competitors, and the public are discussed. This paper contributes to our understanding of which corporate interests are most likely to spend money on electoral politics independent of the political party or candidate and seeks to broaden discourse about why these actors might participate in elections in the first place as well as the impact of their participation.

2000 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-100
Author(s):  
Gary A. Wagner ◽  
Russell S. Sobel

Abstract We provide new evidence regarding the role of interest groups in influencing the size and growth of government spending. Using data on the change in individual legislators’ total voted and sponsored spending from the status quo, we explore this relationship in a manner closer to the public choice tradition. Examining the impact diat interest groups have on individual legislators’ preferences for new spending, we find that interest groups within a legislator’s district exhibit more influence on the short-run growth of the budget than do Political Action Committees.


Author(s):  
إلياس أبو بكر الباروني

The researcher seeks to evaluate and understand digital media in raising awareness of community issues among the public. The research aims to identify theoretical approaches to the impact of digital media on public awareness, and to clarify models of the impact of digital media on public awareness. The research used the descriptive and analytical approach, which attempts to analyze and describe the impact of digital media on social awareness among the public, as the research reached the most important results that the reality imposed itself in the form of digital media through its various means played an important and effective role in the movements and revolutions that the countries witnessed in the movements and revolutions of the democratic spring. Some people described it as "Vmsbouquet revolutions" in relation to the important role that Facebook played in communication between the demonstrators, which prompted some to say that virtual or digital media has replaced political organizations in playing their role aimed at political upbringing in what some have called "" Bringing up the internet.


1972 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
James C. Scott

The analysis presented here is an effort to elaborate the patron-client model of association, developed largely by anthropologists, and to demonstrate its applicability to political action in Southeast Asia. Inasmuch as patron-client structures are not unique to Southeast Asia but are much in evidence, particularly in Latin America, in Africa, and in less developed portions of Europe, the analysis may possibly have more general value for understanding politics in preindustrial societies. After defining the nature of patron-client ties and distinguishing them from other social ties, the paper discriminates among patron-client ties to establish the most important dimensions of variation, examines both the survival and transformations in patron-client links in Southeast Asia since colonialism and the impact of major social changes such as the growth of markets, the expanded role of the state, and the creation of local regimes. Finally, the paper shows how patron-client bonds interact with electoral politics to create distributive pressures which, in turn, often lead to inflationary fiscal policies and vulnerability of regimes to losses of revenue.


2014 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 917-930 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeanette M. Franzel

SYNOPSIS After more than a decade since passage of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act and the creation of the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board (PCAOB), it is appropriate and necessary to ask questions about the present state of audit quality and evaluate the impact and effectiveness of PCAOB's oversight programs. Written from the viewpoint of a current PCAOB Board member and former Managing Director of the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO), this paper discusses the warning signs of serious auditing problems in the years preceding the Act, and the role that the GAO played in analyzing those risks and calling for greater oversight of the accounting profession's auditing public companies. We must be vigilant and continually examine the activities of the auditing profession and the regulatory regime to ensure that audit independence and audit quality remain front and center to ensure investor protection and safeguard the public interest. Academic researchers play a key role in this system of vigilance. This paper provides views on many areas within the auditing profession that would benefit from further research and analysis, as well as opportunities for research that could be useful to the PCAOB as it considers current and future regulatory priorities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 458-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simarjeet Makkar ◽  
Sriparna Basu

This study investigates the impact of emotional intelligence (EI) on the workplace behaviour of the employees in the Indian banking sector. Banking industry was chosen for this research owing to the dynamic nature of this sector propelling a heightened need for compatibility and resilience of employees. The purpose of the study was twofold: (a) to examine if there is a significant impact of EI on workplace behaviour of the employees in both private and public sector banks; and (b) to determine if the impact is more in one sector than the other. Goleman’s EI framework (1995) and Emotional Competence Inventory (ECI) was used for data collection. Six banks were selected for this study: three from the public sector and three from the private sector as sample covering Mumbai. The findings of the study revealed that there is a strong relationship between EI and workplace behaviour of employees in the banking sector and there is also a difference of the impact of EI on workplace behaviour of the employees in private and public sector banks. The analysis derives meaningful implications for managerial policy in banks as well as for future research.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (03) ◽  
pp. 503-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca J. Hannagan ◽  
Jamie P. Pimlott ◽  
Levente Littvay

AbstractWomen's political action committees (PACs)—those committees founded by women to raise money for women candidates—have been and will likely continue to be an important part of American electoral politics. In this article, we investigate the impact of EMILY's List, because it is the standard bearer of women's PACs and is commonly cited as crucial to women's electoral success. Empirical studies of EMILY's List impact to date have largely assumed causal inference by using traditional linear models. We use a propensity score–matching model to leverage on causality and find that an EMILY endorsement helps some candidates and hurts others. Our findings set the stage for further and more nuanced investigations of when, where, and how EMILY's List can enhance the likelihood of electoral success for women.


Political culture, as a part of public culture and a group of beliefs, virtues, norms and approaches with views to the political area, is one of the basic issues which has been paid attention and the subject of many researches, especially since the second half of the 20th century. The topic of this article is studying Afghanistan political culture as well as answering the question of which impacts it has had on Afghanistan political participation during the after-2001 years. Also, in this research, by using an analytic-descriptive method, at first, the definition of political culture and its features in Afghanistan are presented and then, the occurred changes in the indexes of Afghanistan political coopetation in the recent decades are studied too. Political culture, as the system of empirical beliefs, symbols, virtues and the norms, which are regarded as the foundation of political action and the political behaviours of the public people, parties and the government officials is one of the basic issues which has been considered and studied by many experts of politucal area for the recent era. The continuity and strength of any any kinds of cooperations depends on the society political culture origin as it is a very important factor for defining the political social identity of the public members and determining their views, virtues and norms toward politics and authority. Moreover, in this study, at first,the level of changes in the last-two-decade political culture of Afghanistan society is discussed and then its impact on political participation is analysed through explaining the tie between beliefs and behaviours as well as a case study over the political cooperarion increase.


2020 ◽  
pp. 092137402093451
Author(s):  
Jennifer M Gully ◽  
Lynn Mie Itagaki

This essay examines parallels between the resolidification of German identity and reconfigurations of German national space and nation-state time. From recurring events (refugee-guided tours) to temporary installations (a private home’s garden memorial), these performances by and about those excluded or conditionally tolerated define an emerging refugee subjectivity. Each performance stages the dichotomy between transience and permanent residence and engages the public in perpetual enactments of democratic deliberation. We argue that these performances force audiences to recognize how they implicitly define their nations and fellow citizens by both their domestic democratic practices and the exceptions at the border: who is deported and kept out, who are permitted to enter and remain. With growing critical interest in performance and performativity in international relations, we consider the impact of individual and collective pro-migrant protest performances on national identity and electoral politics in Germany and their effects on organizing, resistance, and performance “artivism” globally.


2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 403-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy L. Hansen ◽  
Michael S. Rocca

The goal of this research is to determine whether the Supreme Court’s landmark 2010 Citizens United ruling changed the contribution strategies of employees of major corporations. Using an original dataset of campaign contributions by employees of Fortune 500 companies, we analyze the contribution strategies of these individuals in the 2008 and 2012 presidential election cycles. Overall, our results suggest three important conclusions. First, Citizens United did not alter Fortune 500 employees’ contribution patterns to traditional political committees. However, the emergence of Super political action committees (PAC) in 2012 may have pulled employees’ contributions from 527 groups, at least in the short term. Second, we find large differences in contributions across resources, and the differences become even more dramatic after Citizens United when CEOs contributed millions to Super PACs. Finally, Fortune 500 employee contributions to traditional political committees still outweigh Super PAC contributions in both numbers and amount. And, importantly, employees of the world’s largest corporations were not the driving force behind the increase in spending after Citizens United.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Walton

Members of the public wanting to influence the determination of a controversial development proposal will usually rely upon the direct measure of writing to the council to express their opinions. But where the arithmetic of the council is finely balanced, and notwithstanding the restrictions placed on councillors from declaring a definitive position on a live planning application, voters may be able to influence the outcome of the project indirectly via the ballot box. This paper examines the impact which a series of controversial development projects had on the outcome of local elections in Aberdeen between 2002 and 2012. During this period, the city moved from Labour domination to two- and three-way coalition control. In each of the three local elections, two or more of the major parties adopted clear positions on these highly charged proposals. These positions probably impacted upon voting behaviour and certainly influenced post-election coalition-building. Proposals for a new bridge crossing and a new football stadium were narrowly approved, whilst that for a new city centre square was narrowly rejected. In each case, councillors voted predominantly along party lines. The paper demonstrates the significant influence which planning had on the city's electoral politics over the decade.


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