scholarly journals THE EUROPEAN APPROACH TO REGULATING DISINFORMATION

Author(s):  
Anka Mihajlov Prokopovic ◽  
Marija Vujović

This paper will present and analyze the European approach in combating disinformation, which has posed a major threat to democratic processes particularly after Brexit and the 2016 US presidential election. Social networks have emerged as a key factor that has allowed disinformation to spread at an unprecedented rate, damaging and polarizing the public sphere. Poorly informed citizens have less and less trust in the media and large political parties, and a society of post-truth is emerging as the post-modernist narrative has abolished great stories and brought cultural relativism (Cosentino, 2020). In these conditions, the European Union resorted to counteracting disinformation by focusing on large technology companies, the founders of social networks, and offering them a self-regulatory document, the Code of Practice on Disinformation (2018), two years after the US elections and Brexit, and a year before the European elections. The first encouraging results are noticed and announced in the reports submitted every month by the companies that signed the Code (Facebook, Google, Twitter, Mozilla, Microsoft, TikTok, and representatives of the advertising industry).

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Gennadiy Chernov

This paper deals with the growing populism movement in Europe. This movement is critical of the European Union and its certain economic and immigration policies. The studies dominant in the field look at different communicative aspects of these phenomena. They point at styles and rhetoric related to populism and failures of the pro-EU forces to communicate effectively why these policies are right and populist citizens are wrong.This paper argues that the problem is not in successes or failures of communication per se, but in shutting out many European citizens from the debate in the public sphere. Not finding reflections of the concerns in the media and policies, and having fewer options to relay their messages to elites perceived to be in power in the EU, these citizens become ‘populist citizens’, and they start voting for populist parties in growing numbers.The article concludes that studies of a communicative aspect of populism need not only discuss mediation, but the policies related to this mediation. Policies may be successful only when people accept them after a free debate. That is what was in the heart of the communicative acts in European history.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pere Masip ◽  
Carlos Ruiz-Caballero ◽  
Jaume Suau

In little over a decade, essential concepts in research on communication have become zombie concepts (Beck & Willms, 2004) and are no longer effective for understanding the profound transformation that has taken place with the arrival of the internet. Public sphere, deliberation, audiences, public... the academic literature has oscillated between an initial optimism about the potential for strengthening democracy of communication technologies to a critical scepticism. This text reviews the academic literature with regard to the forms of social deliberation adopted in the context of the media and social networks and its impact on the public sphere.


2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 59
Author(s):  
Oana Ștefăniță ◽  
Dana Raluca Buturoiu

<p>This paper addresses the implications of the media in two major processes at the EU level – the process of Europeanization and the process of building a European identity. So, it analyses European subjects, by focusing on the visibility and the media framing of these subjects during the 2014 EU Parliament elections. Recent theoretical studies in the domain show that media could be one of the actors that might be responsible for influencing the Europeanization process – either in the sense of enabling the emergence and functioning of a European public sphere or in the sense of even preventing its birth. Thus, our empirical research aims at investigating the degree of Europeanization of the Romanian media discourse in order to reveal the current situation regarding the public sphere in Romania today. Since the content analysis indicates a low degree of visibility of the European issues and rather low levels of issue-specific frames that might sustain the development of a mature European identity, we can conclude that media still have to struggle to accomplish the transition from the national level to the European(ized) one.</p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 163-180
Author(s):  
Marius Mureșan ◽  

This article analyses Romania’s foreign policy during the transition from communism to democracy, between 1990 and 1996, through the lens of its relations with Hungary. These were conditioned by the historical background, antagonistic feelings best describing public opinion attitudes in the two states. The analysis considered the situation of the Hungarian minority in Romania and the way in which inter-ethnic tensions (such as the street fights in Târgu-Mureş in March 1990) influenced diplomatic cooperation, as well as the way in which the political class positioned on this issue. The study focuses on the adoption of the ‘Treaty of understanding, cooperation and good neighborliness concluded between Romania and the Republic of Hungary,’ a condition for the acceptance of the two countries in the negotiations for accession to NATO and the European Union. The tortuous process that led to the signing of this document was analyzed through the lens of specialized literature, but also by reference to some decision-makers at that time, such as the US ambassador to Romania, Alfred H. Moses, or President Ion Iliescu. As regards the reactions of politicians and the media in both states to the signing of the treaty, in the context of the Romanian electoral campaign that was taking place at that time, sources from the written press were used, Evenimentul Zilei and Adevărul being the most widely read dailies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-58
Author(s):  
Tomislav Levak

This paper aims to explain the phenomenon of disinformation and its impact. Furthermore, it aims to point out the magnitude and seriousness of the problem, as well as the importance of joint action of all social structures in solving it. The design, production, and dissemination (mainly orally) of untrue and inaccurate information and news for various purposes have been recorded since ancient times. After the invention of the printing machine, their continuous reproduction and distribution began in written form, which also enabled them to have a stronger impact, longer duration, and greater reach. Thanks to the development of the media, especially the mass media such as newspapers, radio, and television, information and news spread faster, more easily and farther, but at the same time, disinformation began to appear in the public sphere more often. Due to the strong development of technology and the emergence of new digital media, primarily the Internet, social networks, and communication platforms, as global communication phenomena, this problem has reached worrying, and often dangerous, levels in the current digital age and the new media system. According to recent indicators and research, the situation is deteriorating. Although the number of papers and the amount of research on this topic has significantly increased in Europe and the world in recent years, it is a complex issue which is still not sufficiently addressed in the scientific discourse. Therefore, this paper attempts to provide a clear insight into the definitions and characteristics of disinformation, as a concept that was officially adopted at the European Union level, for the purpose of denoting the phenomenon, along with related and similar terms such as fake news, misinformation, malinformation, information disorder, information pollution, alternative facts and others. This is done by including the appropriate theoretical background and the results of a series of relevant previous research studies in order to briefly present the historical development and known cases of disinformation, as well as the causes, reasons, consequences, and the most sensitive spheres of their production and dissemination in modern society. The methods for recognizing, preventing, and combating disinformation established thus far are also presented. In addition, new measures for their suppression are also proposed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 152
Author(s):  
Concha Pérez-Curiel ◽  
Rubén Rivas-de-Roca ◽  
Mar García-Gordillo

A time of turmoil and uncertainty is invading the public sphere. Under the framework of the 2020 US elections, populist leaders around the world supported Trump’s speech on Twitter, sharing a common ideology and language. This study examines which issues (issue frame), and strategies (game frame) framed the messages of populism on Twitter by analyzing the equivalences through Trump’s storytelling and checking the bias of the media in the coverage of the US elections. We selected a sample of tweets (n = 1497) and digital front pages of global newspapers (n = 112) from the date of the Trump/Biden face-to-face debate (29 September 2020) until the Democratic party candidate was proclaimed the winner of the elections by the media (7 November 2020). Using a content analysis method based on triangulation (quantitative and qualitative-discursive), we analyzed the Twitter accounts of five leaders (@realDonalTrump, @MLP_officiel, @matteosalvinimi, @Santi_ABASCAL, and @Jairbolsonaro) and five digital front pages (The New York Times, O Globo, Le Monde, La Repubblica, and El País). The results show that populist politicians reproduced the discourse of fraud and conspiracy typical of Trump’s politics on Twitter. The negative bias of the media was also confirmed, giving prominence to a rhetoric of disinformation that overlaps with the theory of populism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-84
Author(s):  
Sanford U. Mba

Recently, the Nigerian Senate passed the Bankruptcy and Insolvency (Repeal and Re-enactment) Bill. This is no doubt a welcome development following the continued demand by insolvency practitioners, academics and other stakeholders for such legislation. The call has not only been for the enactment of just about any legislation, but (consistent with the economic challenges faced by businesses in the country), one that is favourably disposed to the successful restructuring of financially distressed businesses, allowing them to weather the storm of (impending) insolvency, emerge from it and continue to operate within the economy. This article seeks to situate this draft legislative instrument within the present wave of preventive restructuring ably espoused in the European Union Recommendation on New Approaches to Business Rescue and to Give Entrepreneurs a Second Chance (2014), which itself draws largely from Chapter 11 of the US Bankruptcy Code. The article draws a parallel between the economic crisis that gave rise to the preventive restructuring approach of the Recommendation and the present economic situation in Nigeria; it then examines the chances of such restructuring under the Nigerian draft bankruptcy and insolvency legislation. It argues in the final analysis that the draft legislation does not provide for a prophylactic recourse regime for financially distressed businesses. Consequently, a case is made for such an approach.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-122
Author(s):  
Ewa Kaczan-Winiarska

The Austrian government is extremely sceptical about the accession negotiations which are conducted by the European Commission on behalf of the European Union with Turkey and calls for the negotiation process to end. Serious reservations of Vienna have been raised by the current political situation in Turkey under the rule of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, as well as by the standards of democracy in Turkey, which differ greatly from European standards. Serious deficiencies in rule of law, freedom of speech and independence of the judiciary, confirmed in the latest European Commission report on Turkey, do not justify, from Vienna’s point of view, the continuation of talks with Ankara on EU membership. In fact, Austria’s scepticism about the European perspective for Turkey has a longer tradition. This was marked previously in 2005 when the accession negotiations began. Until now, Austria’s position has not had enough clout within the European arena. Pragmatic cooperation with Turkey as a strategic partner of the EU, both in the context of the migration crisis and security policy, proved to be a key factor. The question is whether Austria, which took over the EU presidency from 1.7.2018, will be able to more strongly accentuate its reservations about Turkey and even build an alliance of Member States strong enough to block Turkey’s accession process.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Hopkin

Recent elections in the advanced Western democracies have undermined the basic foundations of political systems that had previously beaten back all challenges—from both the Left and the Right. The election of Donald Trump to the US presidency, only months after the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, signaled a dramatic shift in the politics of the rich democracies. This book traces the evolution of this shift and argues that it is a long-term result of abandoning the postwar model of egalitarian capitalism in the 1970s. That shift entailed weakening the democratic process in favor of an opaque, technocratic form of governance that allows voters little opportunity to influence policy. With the financial crisis of the late 2000s, these arrangements became unsustainable, as incumbent politicians were unable to provide solutions to economic hardship. Electorates demanded change, and it had to come from outside the system. Using a comparative approach, the text explains why different kinds of anti-system politics emerge in different countries and how political and economic factors impact the degree of electoral instability that emerges. Finally, it discusses the implications of these changes, arguing that the only way for mainstream political forces to survive is for them to embrace a more activist role for government in protecting societies from economic turbulence.


Author(s):  
José van

The epilogue sketches a few scenarios on potential geopolitical consequences of the global paradigm shift toward multiple online platform “spheres.” Currently, the neoliberal US-based platform ecosystem dominates. This ecosystem revolves around the promotion of individualism and minimal state interference, leaving checks and balances to the market. On the other end of the ideological spectrum is the Chinese ecosystem, in which the autocratic regime controls the platform ecosystem via regulated censorship of tech corporations. Squeezed between the US and the Chinese models is the European Union, whose member states neither own nor operate any major platforms in either ecosystem. For European democracies to survive in the information age, its cities, national governments, and supranational legislature need to collaborate on a blueprint for a common digital strategy toward markets and public sectors.


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