VALUE STRUCTURE OF SOCIAL MOVEMENT MEMBERS: A NEW PERSPECTIVE ON THE VOLUNTARILY CHILDLESS

1986 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry D. Barnett ◽  
Richard H. Macdonald

This study deals with the values of individuals who belong to the social movement which questions the traditional notion that children are a necessary part of their lives. A random sample of a nationwide organization, the National Alliance/or Optional Parenthood, was used. The main finding is that members of this organization are more inwardly oriented than the general U.S. population. They are more interested in gaining support for their decision to remain childless than in reducing pronatalist pressure in society. Thus, their membership in a social movement is motivated more by self-interest than in the public welfare. There is an interest in social change, but this is not as strong as the personal, immediate benefits of membership in the organization.

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muh Firyal Akbar

This research is motivated by the leadership role of the aperture on the performance of the District Social Welfare Section of Bone Bolango, and addressing what led to the apparaturs can not improve its performance. Location / object of research in the Social Welfare Section of Bone Bolango District Secretariat, the research method used is descriptive qualitative data sources from the observation, interviews, and documentation. Informants were interviewed 6 (six) in the form of Deputy. Section, and staff,. Data analysis was done by analysis that includes observation, identification of the problem, determine the focus of the problem, collect the data source, making the analysis of data, and making conclusions. Results of the study found the following: 1. a leader as an innovator has yet to make staff / subordinates capable of reviewing what to expect, 2. Leadership as a motivator, in this case has not been fully motivate / encourage the morale of staff, 3. Leadership as a facilitator in accordance interviews some say has not been able to realize the needs of the staff and the organization, 4. Chief said as a mobilizer, there are leaders who have not been able to steer and drive the duties and functions, so the quality of the resulting performance apparatus has not been able to realize the needs of the organization. As for the hope of Bone Bolango District Government, is where all the apparatus that is required to dedicate itself to the development of more specialized areas within the public welfare.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Elizabete David Novaes

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> O presente artigo busca evidenciar o papel social das mulheres nos movimentos sociais promovidos no decorrer da história. Para cumprir com tal propósito, discute o caráter patriarcal da ciência cartesiana; apresenta uma reflexão acerca da articulação entre o público e privado; elabora uma revisão teórica acerca da historiografia da mulher, ressaltando a ação da mulher em diferentes momentos da história, buscando evidenciá-la como sujeito ativo, capaz de integrar o público e o privado, participando da conquista de direitos. Para enfatizar as articulações existentes entre as dimensões pública e privada, este artigo defende que historicamente a mulher politiza vias não políticas do cotidiano, atuando em movimentos sociais promotores de reivindicações e manifestações sociais, de modo a superar limites ideologicamente traçados pelo viés patriarcal da ciência moderna, de base cartesiana, atuando na luta por direitos e participação política na história.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> gênero; historiografia; público e privado; movimentos sociais; direitos.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This paper describes evidences of the social role of the women inside different social movements occurred during our history. It began with a discussion the patriarchal character of Cartesian science, presents reflections about the public and private articulation, a theoretical review of the women´s historiography, emphasizing their action at different times in history and trying to emphazise them as active subject which is capable to integrate the public and private, participating of the conquer their rights. To emphasize all the previous articulations between the public and private dimensions, this manuscript argues that historically women politicize daily non-political pathways. Their actuations in social movements promote the demands and social manifestations in order to ideologically overcome the limitations set by the the patriarchal bias of modern science, acting in the the fight (ou struggle) for rights and political participation in history.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> gender, historiography, public and private; social movement; rights.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 187
Author(s):  
Rahmad Hidayat

This article aims to show how the social movement was conducted in the framework of claiming a number of aspects of citizenship, especially environmental rights and political participation, to the local government. The refusal of FRAT Bima over the extractive policy of the Government of Bima District during 2011-2012 becomes a reflective context of the type of social movement with such a framework. This social protest should be explored further because it used acts of vandalism on some public facilities as the chosen way to fight against the environmental and political injustices. Through a case study, the author aims to explore the sequence of repertoires which were applied sequentially by FRAT Bima’s social protest as well as to examine its linkage with environmental citizenship and public distrust. Despite being closely related to citizens' awareness about environmental citizenship, the occurrence of this anarchist movement was also triggered by the low level of "formal legitimacy" of the local government as a seed of public distrust towards the intentions of environmental governance policy that was about to be applied to make the agricultural land owned by villagers as the site of a certain project of mineral extraction. The lack of the government’s formal legitimacy, which was supported by the growing awareness of environmental citizenship, has led the sequential application of conventional and non-conventional strategies in the demands articulation of FRAT Bima. This sequence of repertoires was held due to the low-level of government's responsiveness in accommodating the public claims about the cancellation of an undemocratic environmental policy.


2019 ◽  
pp. 40-56
Author(s):  
Nicholas Owen

Chapter 3 explores the three principal motivations that have been proposed to explain altruistic behavior—rational self-interest, moral obligations, and social norms—and asks to what extent they are plausible explanations of the motivations of adherents and how they are distinct from the motivations of the constituents. It shows how the adherents’ disjoint (i.e., asymmetric) motivations differ from the conjoint (i.e., reciprocal) motivations of constituents. It proposes that adherents are motivated by self-owned moral obligations to others and disjoint norms of service. It also explores the associated costs of these motivations for the social movement, showing how these too differ.


Author(s):  
Angela Besana

After having discussed the contemporary importance of the not-for-profit and social economy, the chapter builds on a cluster analysis of performances and roles of grant-making foundations, who are the essential node of the cooperation and coopetitiveness, today. This chapter aims to present worldwide grant-making foundations for their performances and profiling according to the latest accounting data and mission reports, which collect results of their projects according to the classification of pure grant-making, networking, leadership, partnership and pooling. With this in mind, the chapter adopts a typical approach of cluster analysis of industrial organization. The cluster analysis emphasizes the profiling of the sample and it allows to separate groups with significant features. The main focus remains on the issues of the finance of the social economy, when the Public Welfare State is too much indebted. Complementary and substitute roles of the Private Welfare State can emerge for the support the not-for-profit economy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (12) ◽  
pp. 1684-1707 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saif Shahin ◽  
Zehui Dai

This study develops a technosocial framework for assessing the efficacy of global aid agencies’ use of Twitter’s algorithmic affordances for participatory social change. We combine computational and interpretive methods to examine tweets posted by three global aid agencies—U.S. Agency for International Development, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, and the International Committee of the Red Cross—as well as public tweets that mention these agencies ( N = ~100,000). Results indicate that when an agency (a) replies to or retweets public tweeters, (b) includes publicly oriented hashtags and hyperlinks in its tweets, and (c) tweets about topics that the public is also interested in and tweeting about, the social network that develops around the agency is more interconnected, decentralized, and reciprocal. Our framework can help development institutions build more participatory social networks, with multiple voices helping determine collective goals and strategies of collective action for sustainable social change. We also discuss the theoretical implications and methodological significance of our approach.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-356
Author(s):  
Lilit Biati ◽  
Ridwan ◽  
Arif Hariyanto

the use of plastics can provide convenience and practicality, plastic also has a particularly bad impact on the environment. Plastics contain artificial inorganic materials which are composed of chemicals that are dangerous enough for the environment. This waste of plastic is very difficult to decompose naturally. To decompose plastic waste itself, it takes approximately 80 years to completely degrade. Currently the government is increasingly active in providing awareness to the public to reduce the use of plastics in life, then providing teaching on how to treat plastic waste into goods that are beneficial to life. Participatory action research has three word elements, all of which have a connection between Participation, Action and Research. In the process of carrying out social change for the better, it must involve all levels of society who are the object or target as well as the subject where the social change must be carried out. utilization of organic waste which can be used as various kinds of valuable creativity and has a selling price that can improve the community's economy, and also make the environment clean and healthy. Making society in a harmonious and peaceful environment. There won't be any problems. The village will be safe and secure.


2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-99
Author(s):  
Amy Fettig

This Essay takes a look at the movement for social change around menstruation, especially through the lens of the criminal legal system and prisons and jails in particular. Part I reviews the issues of period poverty and justice that are driving a larger social movement to recognize that safe and ready access to menstrual hygiene products should be framed through a lens of full civic participation in order to understand its full implications for the lives of people who menstruate. Part II dives into the particular needs and problems of abuse and control that incarcerated and detained people face related to menstruation. Part III examines the growing movement to transform menstruation in America along equity lines that focuses both on the rights of all menstruators while bringing social pressure to bear on behalf of the most vulnerable—incarcerated people, the unhoused, students, and those living in poverty—to demand greater governmental and cultural support for the needs, inclusion, and dignity of all people who menstruate. This Part particularly takes note of the fact that the menstrual equity movement gains strength and force when it centers the leadership and voices of people who menstruate as key players demanding social change and evolution of the culture as a whole. Part IV examines the importance of the momentum and success this social movement represents for potential litigation strategies to develop constitutional jurisprudence regarding incarcerated people and menstrual equity. It observes that the pertinent “evolving standards of decency” that inform Eighth Amendment jurisprudence must and will be influenced by the prevailing movement for menstrual equity as a deliberate strategy to ensure that incarcerated people who menstruate are not left out of the social development and rights framework that menstrual equity demands. At the same time this evolution in jurisprudence represent the opportunity for Eighth Amendment jurisprudence—and constitutional framework generally—to place a greater focus on the need for human dignity as a cornerstone of the law.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-24
Author(s):  
Amril Maryolo

Philanthropy is an act of generosity that has a sense of sympathy for human beings. Generosity is an integral part of the character of Indonesian society, derived from religious wisdom, culture, and a strong sense of community. The existence of Faith Based Organization (religious-based organization) helps the government in overcoming the social inequalities that occur in middle and lower society. One of the humanitarian organizations based on Islam in Indonesia is the Post of Justice Peduli Ummat (PKPU) which provides assistance, various forms of social activities in various fields. The presence of these humanitarian agencies in Indonesia marks the "new practice of philanthropy" of the Islamic philanthropy movement in realizing the public welfare.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-115
Author(s):  
Ellen Hertz

‘The business of business is business,’ Milton Friedman, a leading figure of the Chicago School of economic thought, famously declaimed. In his 1970 article, ‘The Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits’, he argued that corporate managers who factor social and environmental considerations into their decision-making are, in effect, ‘imposing taxes . . . and deciding how the tax proceeds shall be spent’. By deviating from their organizational duties—maximizing profits for the companies that employ them—they are appropriating money owed to shareholders and allocating it to broader social causes, a function that resembles government. Friedman objects to this behavior not on economic or legal but on political grounds: managers have not been elected and there are no principled procedures for determining which causes to support beyond ‘general exhortations from on high’ (Friedman 1970: 17). He also expresses scepticism about ‘hypocritical window-dressing’, concluding: ‘our institutions, and the attitudes of the public make it in their self-interest to cloak their actions in this way’ (Friedman 1970: 17).


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