scholarly journals Did Khor Need Literacy? (I. S. Turgenev and A. A. Fet: Two Views on Primary Education)

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 6-21
Author(s):  
Natalya P. Generalova
Keyword(s):  
Primary Education ◽  
Literacy Education ◽  
Black Soil ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Isle Of Wight ◽  
Similar Position ◽  
The People ◽  
Points Of View

The article discusses two points of view on the primary education, literacy — I. S. Turgenev’s and A. A. Fet’s. The author describes the landmark clash between Turgenev and Fet, and also shows the mood and plans of both writers in the early 1860s. In August 1860, in anticipation of the abolition of serfdom, while in England, on the Isle of Wight, Turgenev conceived and drew up a “Draft Program for the Society for the Promotion of Literacy and Primary Education”. And Fet, forced to leave literature as a result of “persecution” of “pure art”, acquired 200 acres of black soil in the Mtsensk district. On the eve of the abolition of serfdom, the poet, who did not have his own estate and serfs, found himself in the position of a farmer, who had to endure fully on his own experience the endless troubles associated with the introduction of reforms in all spheres of economic and political life. His journalism touched upon a variety of issues, one of which was literacy. Fet’s opinion on this issue looks paradoxical. However, he was not alone, urging not to equate literacy, education and upbringing, giving preference to the moral upbringing of the people in solving the problem. A similar position was taken by V. I. Dal, whose letter to the publisher of the journal “Russkaya Beseda” A. I. Koshelev is analyzed in the article.

The Eyes of Argus: The Political Art of Niccolo Machiavelli

1984 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 555-576
Author(s):  
George Feaver
Keyword(s):  
Niccolo Machiavelli ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Art ◽  
Absolute Truth ◽  
Niccolò Machiavelli ◽  
The People ◽  
Points Of View

AbstractOne way of seeing Machiavelli is as a literary artist who appreciated, in his figurative portraiture of princes, that an effective likeness will always reveal to the attentive eye, something of the prince, of his audience, and of the portraitist himself. And since politics is an activity in which, on his understanding, there is no absolute truth, but only multifarious effectual truths; a comprehensive depiction of political life must embrace irreconcilable points of view as diverse as those of individual princes, the people, and “each man.” The observer's task thus demanded perspectival powers that would test the fabled eyes of Argus. This article sets out the evidence supporting such an interpretation in individual texts of Machiavelli's works, while suggesting how each contributes to the completed literary artistry of his brilliantly evoked world of pictures in words of political aspiration, failure and achievement.

Populism, Religion and Catholic Civil Society in Poland: The Case of Primary Education

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Dorota Szelewa
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Primary Education ◽  
Sexuality Education ◽  
Moral Panic ◽  
School Entry ◽  
School Age ◽  
Religious Symbolism ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government

This article analyses two cases of populist mobilisation – namely, one against a primary school entry-age reform and another against WHO sexuality education and the concept of gender – that took place in Poland between 2008 and 2019. Both campaigns had a populist character and were oriented towards restoring social justice taken away from ‘the people’ by a morally corrupted ‘elite’. There are differences between the cases that can be analytically delineated by assessing whether a religious mobilisation has an overt or a covert character. While the series of protests against the school-age reform represents a case of mobilisation with covert religious symbolism, the campaigns against sexuality education and the use of the concept of gender are characterised by overt religious populism. To characterise the dynamics of the two campaigns, the study uses the concept of a moral panic, emphasising the importance of moral entrepreneurs waging ideological war against the government and/or liberal experts conceived of as ‘folk devils’.

El pueblo de México y la política capitalina, 1808 y 1812

1994 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Guedea
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Significant Growth ◽  
Substantial Role ◽  
The People ◽  
New Nation ◽  
The City

Beginning in 1808 the people started to play a prominent role in the political life of Mexico. This article examines the significant growth of popular political participation in the City of Mexico during the period 1808-1812. In particular, it analyzes the substantial role that the people played in the elections of 1812, a role they would continue to play in the early years of the new nation.

scholarly journals Partisipasi Masyarakat dalam Pembentukan Peraturan Daerah Tentang Penggunaan Label Batik Pekalongan

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mutia Silvia Rose
Keyword(s):  
Public Participation ◽  
Community Participation ◽  
Brand Names ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Public Hearing ◽  
Local Regulation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Written Form ◽  
The Government

Partisipasi masyarakat adalah perwujudan dari masyarakat di dalam negara demokrasi, dimana pemerintahan yang di dasarkan kepada rakyat merupakan tujuan utama kehidupan berpolitik, baik dalam kebijakan maupun dalam tujuan pemerintahan. Perda Label Batik Pekalongan merupakan peraturan daerah yang mengatur tentang suatu tanda yang menunjukkan identitas dan ciri batik buatan Pekalongan yang terdiri dari tiga jenis yaitu batik tulis, batik cap atau batik kombinasi tulis dan cap. Tujuan dibentuknya Perda tersebut adalah agar masyarakat dan konsumen Batik Pekalongan tidak dirugikan akibat dari salah dalam membedakan jenis batik. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa partisipasi masyarakat dalam pembentukan Perda tentang penggunaan label batik Pekalongan masih bersifat elitis, karena yang mendominasi mengikuti public hearing hanya pengusaha kelas atas yaitu seseorang atau kelompok orang yang memproduksi seni batik dalam bentuk tulis, cap dan kombinasi dalam jumlah besar, sudah mempunyai nama merek yang terkenal, dan pemasarannya sudah sangat luas baik di dalam negeri maupun di luar negeri. Partisipasi masyarakat dalam pembentukan perda tentang label batik pekalongan yang masih bersifat elitis dapat berpengaruh karakteristik produk hukum yang di hasilkan yaitu lebih menguntungkan pengusaha batik kelas atas, karena dalam pembuatan label batik Pekalongan merugikan dalam segi ekonomis bagi  pengusaha kelas menengah dan bawah.<br /><br />Community participation is the embodiment of the people in a democracy, where the government is based on the people as the ultimate goal of political life, both in policy and administration purposes. Label the Perda Batik Pekalongan local regulation of Batik Pekalongan Label is a sign which indicates the identity and characteristics of batik from Pekalongan which consists of three types of batik, batik or batik and stamp combination. Purpose of the establishment of the regulation is that the public and consumers are not harmed Batik Pekalongan result of incorrect in distinguishing the types of batik. The result of this research indicates that participation in the formation of legislation on the use of Pekalongan batik label still elitist, because that dominate following the public hearing only top-class entrepreneurs is a person or group of people who produce batik art in written form, stamp and combinations in bulk, already has a well-known brand names, and marketing has been very widely both domestically and abroad. Public participation in the formation of regulations about labeling Pekalongan batik is still elitist may influence the characteristics of a legal product that produced batik entrepreneurs are more favorable upper classes, as in the manufacture of Pekalongan batik label in terms of economic harm to employers middle and lower classes.<br /><br />

scholarly journals KIAI NU DAN POLITIK (KETERLIBATAN KIAI NU JEMBER DALAM KONTESTASI PILPRES 2019)

Fenomena ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-114
Author(s):  
Abdul Haris ◽  
Abdulloh Dardum
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Data Presentation ◽  
Political Work ◽  
The People ◽  
Data Collection Process ◽  
Pair Number ◽  
Practical Politics ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
Two Stages ◽  
Depth Interviews

Kajian tentang dinamika dan kiprah politik kiai selalu menarik untuk terus dikaji dari berbagai sudut pandang berbeda. Pada kontestasi Pilpres 2019, beberapa kiai NU struktural maupun non struktural di Jember terlibat aktif dalam memenangkan pasangan calon no urut 1, Jokowi dan Ma’ruf Amin. Penelitian ini ingin mengungkap makna politik dalam perpsektif kiai NU Jember, serta motivasi dan bentuk keterlibatan mereka dalam kontestasi politik praktis (Pilpres 2019). Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Secara operasional penggalian data dalam peneilitian ini dilakukan dengan cara pengamatan, wawancara mendalam terhadap para informan yang sudah ditetapkan, dan dokumentasi. Data yang didapatkan setelah itu dianalisa melalui dua tahap, yaitu selama proses pengumpulan data di lapangan dan setelah data tersebut terkumpul dengan langkah; 1) reduksi data, 2) penyajian data, dan 3) penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa 1) Mayoritas kiai NU Jember memaknai politik sebagai perjuangan untuk mewujudkan kemashlahatan umat. Politik juga dimaknai dengan upaya untuk menjaga aqidah umat dari faham atau ideologi yang berseberangan dengan NU. 2) Ada dua motivasi yang mendorong keterlibatan kiai NU Jember dalam politik praktis, yaitu orientasi dakwah dan orientasi ideologis. 3) Bentuk keterlibatan kiai NU dalam politik praktis (Pilpres 2019) di Kabupaten Jember dilakukan dengan beberapa cara, diantaranya memberikan dukungan melalui edaran/maklumat, konsolidasi sesama kiai dan instruksi secara langsung kepada para santri, wali santri, dewan guru/asatidz, alumni dan simpatisan pesantren. The dynamics and political work of the kiai are always interesting to be studied from various points of view. In the 2019 presidential election contest, several structural and non-structural NU kiai in Jember were actively involved in winning the candidate pair number 1, Jokowi and Ma'ruf Amin. This research intends to reveal the political meaning from the perspective of the kiai NU Jember, as well as their motives and forms of involvement in practical political contestation (Pilpres 2019). This research was conducted using a qualitative approach. Operationally the data mining in this research was carried out through observation, in-depth interviews with the informants who had been assigned, and documentation. The data obtained after that were analyzed in two stages, namely during the data collection process in the field and after the data was collected by steps; 1) data reduction, 2) data presentation, and 3) concluding. The results of this study indicate that 1) The majority of NU Jember kiai interpret politics as a struggle to achieve the benefit of the people. Politics is also interpreted as an effort to protect the aqidah of the people from opposing ideologies or ideologies. 2) There are two motivations that encourage the involvement of the Jember NU kiai in practical politics, namely dakwah orientation and ideological orientation. 3) The form of involvement of NU kiai in practical politics (2019 Presidential Election) in Jember Regency is carried out in several ways, including providing support through circulars/announcements, consolidation of fellow kiai and direct instruction to students, guardians of santri, a board of teachers/asatidz, alumni and pesantren sympathizers.

scholarly journals Aesthetic and Philosophical Meanings of Indigenous Asante Kente

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Solomon Marfo Ayesu ◽  
◽  
David Anokye ◽  
George Kwame Fobiri ◽  
Richard Acquaye ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Research Design ◽  
Narrative Research ◽  
Woven Fabrics ◽  
Opinion Leaders ◽  
Ashanti Region ◽  
Empirical Information ◽  
The People ◽  
Points Of View

Indigenous Ghanaian woven fabrics remain traditional cultural pieces, highlighting the value and heritage of the indigenes in the communities. These fabrics are embedded with historical symbolic connotations that help the people to relate effectively and know their past. Recent studies have identified the tools, materials and new innovations in design by traditional weavers. This study seeks to highlight the aesthetics and philosophical connotations of the indigenous Asante Kente which are highly cherished by the indigenes. As a qualitative research, it adopts the narrative research design to interpret empirical information gathered from master weavers and opinion leaders from two weaving communities (Bonwire and Adanwomase) in the Ashanti Region of Ghana. Information on the indigenous Kente of the Asantes is presented, which draws on the types coupled with their philosophical connotations. The worth of the Asante Kente cloth from both aesthetic and philosophical points of view is also presented in the study. It recommends further studies to promote the artefacts and the Ghanaian culture at large.

scholarly journals STRATEGI DAKWAH SIASYAH PARTAI PERSATUAN PEMBANGUNAN DI JAWABARAT

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Ridwan - Mubarok
Keyword(s):  
World Politics ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
The Past ◽  
The People ◽  
Missionary Movement ◽  
Or Organization

For every Muslim, the role of civilization is identical to authentic mission as a leader as a leader in this earth, whose role is greater than leading a province or country. The participation of ulama, dai or da'wah movements in the political sphere is his right, but the missionary movement or organization must also be aware of and be aware of people or persons who want to manipulate da'wah as a vehicle for world politics. Da'wah movements or dai must be able to use various life instruments that exist today for the sake of da'wah. Ulama and the da'i who join in the organization movement or da'wah movement, must realize that they are part of the chain of struggle of the people. Now is the time for da'i or ulama to proclaim themselves from the past fetters that castrated the political life of the scholars.Bagi setiap muslim, peran peradaban identik dengan misi otentik sebagai pemimpin sebagai pemimpin dimuka bumi ini, yang perannya lebih besar dibandingkan memimpin sebuah provinsi atau negara. Keikutsertaan para ulama, dai atau gerakan dakwah dalam ranah politik merupakan haknya, akan tetapi gerakan atau organisasi dakwah juga harus menyadari serta mewaspadai terhadap orang atau oknum yang hendak memperalat dakwah sebagai kendaraan politik dunia. Gerakan dakwah ataupun para dai harus dapat menggunakan berbagai instrument kehidupan yang ada saat ini untuk kepentingan dakwah. Ulama maupun para da’i yang bergabung dalam gerakan organisasi atau gerakan dakwah, harus menyadari bahwasanya dirinya merupakan bagian dari mata rantai perjuangan umat. Kini sudah saatnya para da’i ataupun ulama dapat memproklamirkan diri dari belenggu masa lalu yang mengebiri kehidupan politik para ulama, PPP menjadi salah satu alternatif.

About Ghost Stories: The Vietnam War and “Rememoration”

PMLA ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 123 (5) ◽  
pp. 1700-1702
Author(s):  
Yen Le Espiritu
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Social Life ◽  
The United States ◽  
Sociological Imagination ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Ghost Stories ◽  
The People ◽  
The Vietnam War

In her book Ghostly matters: Haunting and the sociological imagination, avery gordon writes that “to study social life one must confront the ghostly aspects of it”—the experiential realities of social and political life that have been systematically hidden or erased. To confront the ghostly aspects of social life is to tell ghost stories: to pay attention to what modern history has rendered ghostly and to write into being the seething presence of the things that appear to be not there (Gordon 7–8). By most accounts, Vietnam was the site of one of the most brutal and destructive of the wars between Western imperial powers and the people of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Yet public discussions and commemorations of the Vietnam War in the United States often skip over this devastating history, thereby ignoring the war's costs borne by the Vietnamese—the lifelong costs that turn the 1975 “fall of Saigon” and the exodus from Vietnam into “the endings that are not over” (Gordon 195). Without creating an opening for a Vietnamese perspective of the war, these public deliberations refuse to remember Vietnam as a historical site, Vietnamese people as genuine subjects, and the Vietnam War as having any kind of integrity of its own (Desser).

Sulla’s Sack of Athens

2020 ◽  
pp. 195-222
Author(s):  
Ian Worthington
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Greek Culture ◽  
The People ◽  
The City

Chapter 10 begins with a consideration of the constitution and political activity in Athens, followed by a change in the Athenian attitude toward Rome and the activities of Mithridates VI of Pontus. Mithridates’ clashes with Rome led to him seek allies in Greece, especially Athens. His case polarized Athenian politics, but the people voted to support him, and hence declared war on Rome. The Romans sent Sulla to Greece, who besieged Athens. Eventually the city capitulated, and Sulla’s men then killed many citizens and destroyed many buildings. The city’s economy was destroyed; Delos defected; further restraints were made on the city’s political life; and even artistic output was affected. Yet Roman visitors to Athens began to increase in the years after Sulla, including to study there, and Greek culture continued to be attractive to Romans.

An Inherent Tension Within Populist Rhetoric

The Forum ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
David Bateman ◽  
Adam Seth Levine
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Past Work ◽  
The People ◽  
Taking Action

AbstractPopulist rhetoric in America contains two essential features: first, a sharp critique of economic and political life and, second, a call for broader participation by the people that will set things right in response to an elite whose actions brought about contemporary problems. Past work generally assumes that the two goals inherent in this rhetoric – its educative critique and its exhortation to action – are compatible with each other. However, in this paper we argue that there is often an inherent tension between them. That is, the stronger the educative critique, the more it can actually reduce people’s likelihood of taking action. We provide several historical and contemporary examples of this pattern and then discuss a new line of research that examines it using experiments. We conclude by considering ways in which populist rhetoric can avoid the pitfall of voter disengagement.

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