scholarly journals Strategic and security trends and projection of the strategic framework of the security of the Republic of Serbia

2017 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-482
Author(s):  
Stanislav Stojanovic ◽  
Branislav Djordjevic

Starting from the indisputable fact that security is the primary interest and a key prerequisite for the development of contemporary societies, understanding and assessing current and future trends in the near and distant environment and their impacts on the security of the Republic of Serbia are particularly important in defining a framework of its conceptual and strategic preparedness to protect vital national interests. There are many factors that are influencing and will continue to influence in a long-term the security of the Republic of Serbia and its environment. The stronger contours of multipolar international order and the emergence of new global participants in world politics, the crisis of the idea of global society and return of realpolitik patterns in international politics, proximity of energy - rich but unstable Arab - Persian and the Caspian basin, conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, serious identity crisis and threat to internal cohesion of the European Union, as well as the migrant crisis, certainly represent major factors that will affect the political and security processes in the near and distant environment of the Republic of Serbia. Projection of security trends and challenges that accompany the process of socialization of the Balkans, as an area which is still, in terms of security, the most sensitive part of the European continent, will have a strong reflection on the definition of long - term commitments of the Republic of Serbia. Problems in Kosovo, Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, as potentially the most explosive issues of the Balkan security, as well as the complexity of socio?economic and political context of the societies in the Balkans, especially their unabated ethnic and religious standoff, complicate the process of converting the Balkans from the conflicting area to the area of lasting peace. Also, monitoring of trends in perception and practice of security, especially regarding the waging of contemporary armed conflicts and the revolution in military affairs, as well as their long?term projection are of great importance in defining the strategic framework of security of the Republic of Serbia, primarily the instruments to protect its security.

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 87-107
Author(s):  
Mira Šorović

Abstract The article tries to explain and define political processes and changes trhough history of the 'new' Western Balkans country - the Republic of North Macedonia. It is word about analysis of the political dispute between Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) and Greece, from its biginnings until the present day. This paper will try to give the real picture of political area in the Balkans and explore deeper roots of the 'Macedonian Question' controversy. Also, it will give the explinations of the resolution of 27-year dispute, (between the two neighbor countries), by signing the Prespa Agreement. Hence, leaving by side national identity and history, the North Macedonia will be able to join the European Union and NATO. Thus, in short period of time, a 'new' country in the Western Balkans has putted in the center of the regional politics, with clear purpose: promoting ethnic and cultural heritance in the edge of the European continent.


2017 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
WOJCIECH NECEL

The migration of population in the second decade of the twenty-rst century, in the lives of the global, as well as inter-continental and inter- national communities, is a structural phenomenon undergoing intensi- cation and it is aecting all areas of human life and the life of the Church. e Church in Poland got used to speaking about Polish emigration, the “very old” one and the “old” one, as well as the latest, which came about alongside joining the structures of the European Union and the Schengen group. A vital problem within the immigration area is the return of Polish families to Poland, at least from the British Isles and France, and, gaining dynamics from time to time, the issue of repatriation of Poles from distant Kazakhstan and the presence of Ukrainians and other Eastern nationalities on the streets of Polish cities.Mass media inform about the situation on Lampedusa island, on the Syrian-Turkish and Turkish-Iraqi borders, and the situation in the Balkans and Hungary. e crisis plunged Greece cannot manage to solve the prob- lems of the coming people. Pope Francis sympathized with the European immigrants, lamented that so many of them deceased on the way to the European continent. e politicians discussed how to divide the coming groups of refugees among the countries. With the foregoing outline, at the turn of 2014-2015, the Republic of Poland along with the rest of European Union, is faced with the necessity to develop a common immigration policy, and the Church, in agreement with the Erga migrantes instruction, should elaborate the specics of the ministry towards the immigrants. 


Author(s):  
Gulnara I. Bayazitova ◽  
Lidiya Yu. Korge

This article studies the first German translation of the “Six Books on the Republic” by the French lawyer and philosopher Jean Boden, published in 1592. Particular attention is paid to the preface to the treatise, which was written by the translator, a Lutheran priest Johann Oswaldt. There, Oswaldt sets out his position on the “Republic” as well as points out the need for this translation and the relevance of Boden’s treatise for monarchs and rulers. Oswaldt’s foreword is remarkable, firstly, for the terminological synthesis that he carries out. Relying on Boden’s both French and Latin manuscripts of “The Republic”, he carefully selects appropriate German terms to convey their connotations. Second, the German translation of “The Republic” opens the possibility of following the reception of Jean Boden’s ideas in Germany. The authors of this article come to the conclusion that Oswaldt had a practical purpose when he translated the main political work that substantiated the theory of sovereignty. The dedication of the translation to the Duke of Württemberg and the Count of Mümpelgard politicizes his scholarly effort. In fact, following Boden himself, Oswaldt aims to make “The Republic” read and utilized by his patrons. In the long term, the implementation of the ideas outlined in “The Republic” will lead to the foundation of the sovereignty of Württemberg. At the same time, the study of the first German translation has further research implications, since it outlines the area of distribution of Boden’s treatise on the European continent. The German translation followed the Italian and Spanish editions, but appeared earlier than the English translation. Hence, this article might pave the way for studying the reception of the theory of sovereignty in the works of German authors in Russian historiography.


Author(s):  
K. Gylka

The European Union (EU) is an economic and political union of 28 European countries. The population is 508 million people, 24 official and working languages and about 150 regional and minority languages. The origins of the European Union come from the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the European Economic Community (EEC), consisting of six states in 1951 - Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. These countries came together to put an end to the wars that devastated the European continent, and they agreed to share control over the natural resources needed for war (coal and steel). The founding members of ECSC have determined that this European project will not only be developed in order to share resources or to prevent various conflicts in the region. Thus, the Rome Treaty of 1957 created the European Economic Community (EEC), which strengthened the political and economic relations between the six founding states. The relevance of the topic stems from their desire of peoples and countries to live better. The purpose of the study is to identify the internal and external development mechanisms of European countries and, on this basis, to formulate a model of economic, legislative and social development for individual countries. The results of the study provide a practical guideline for determining the vector of the direction of efforts of political, economic, legislative, humanitarian, etc.


Author(s):  
Serhii Horopakha

On 1st July 2013, the Republic of Croatia officially became the 28th member of the European Union. This event marked the fulfillment of a foreign policy goal, along with joining NATO in 2009, as a major step forward in the country’s long-term consolidation process. The article therefore analyzes the key events of the Croatia – EU relations in 2007-2008, which moved this Balkan country closer to implementing its Euro-integration course. Particular attention is paid to the peculiarities of the pre-accession negotiations with the European Union, as well as to internal and foreign policy factors that had a direct impact on the Euro-integration dialogue between Croatia and the European Union. In this context, emphasis is placed on problem issues that slowed down the dynamics of the negotiation process to a certain extent, in particular the unilateral application by Croatia of the Ecological and Fisheries Protection Zone, and measures taken by the Croatian authorities to settle them. Significant achievements of Croatia in the negotiation process with the European Union are highlighted, in particular, progress of the country in meeting the European Union criteria as well as a date determination the of pre-accession negotiations completion as an important political sign of the European Union readiness to accept a new member in future.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-12
Author(s):  
Andi Mihail Băncilă

Abstract Demographic changes that currently affect the planet are not fully new, they have continued throughout history, managing to influence geographical areas and making changes to individuals’ lifestyle. The phenomenon of international migration has become a topical issue in 2015 with the increasing number of asylum seekers on the territory of the European Union. This special event raised new questions about the socio-economic evolution of the European continent, with problems being signaled both from the perspective of newcomers and permanent residents of this space. The main task that the political authorities of the member states of the community block have over the next years is to identify a solution through which to achieve appropriate and long-term integration of newcomers, many of them belonging to different cultures of the majority population.


2020 ◽  
pp. 39-42
Author(s):  
Sergey Asaturov ◽  
Andrei Martynov

The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.


Author(s):  
Maxime H. A. Larivé

This empirical and historical analysis of the Western European Union (WEU), an intergovernmental defense organization, contributes to the broader understanding of the construction and integration of European security and defense policy. The WEU was established in 1954 by the Modified Brussels Treaty after the failure of the European Defense Community and at the time of the construction of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Over its lifetime, the WEU was confronted by two major trends: the centrality of collective defense agreement providing security on the European continent enforced by NATO and the construction of a European security and defense policy within the broad integration process of the European Union (EU). The WEU provided a platform for Western European powers, particularly France, the United Kingdom, and Germany, to engage in the construction of a European defense. Historically, these countries had diverging visions ranging from an autonomous force to one that should remain under the NATO auspice. The end of the Cold War accelerated the transfer of the WEU mission to the EU, but the crises in the Gulf region and in the Balkans in 1990s led to a period of activity for the WEU. The institutionalization of the EU, beginning with the 1992 Treaty of Maastricht, accelerated the construction of a European defense and security policy within EU structures. The transfer from the WEU to the EU began in the late 1990s and the WEU was dissolved in 2011.


2016 ◽  
pp. 30-46
Author(s):  
Jakub Lachert

The fundamental thesis of this paper is that the European Union has, at its disposal, economic and political tools to resolve conflict in Transnistria. The EU Association Agreement signed with the Republic of Moldova is an important instrument which could be used to reintegrate Transnistria with Moldova. In the long term, the flourishing Moldavian economy associated with the EU might prove a more attractive alternative for Tiraspol than dependence on unpredictable Russia. However, Russia continues to play an important part in the efforts to solve the conflict.


2021 ◽  
pp. 269-289
Author(s):  
Anna Dyrina ◽  

The article examines the current state of affairs in Belarus and Serbia - two countries that previously were parts of the socialist federal states, but currently belong to the regions of Eastern Europe and the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe, respectively. The first part of the article is devoted to Belarusian-Serbian relations. Political cooperation is developing at the presidential, governmental and parliamentary levels, and interaction is also carried out at the level of various departments, regions and cities. For Serbia, the support from Belarus on the international scene is important, in particular, in the issue of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia. The second part of the article is devoted to Serbia’s relations with the EU and the countries of the Adriatic Euroregion. On December 22, 2009 Serbia applied for EU membership. Despite the significant progress in the negotiations, Serbia has not yet become one of the EU member states. The third part of the article analyzes relations between Belarus and its neighbors, as well as cooperation with the EU. The European Union is the second most important market for Belarusian exports (after Russia). The main trading partners of Belarus among European countries, based on the indicators of bilateral trade in 2019, are Germany, Poland, Great Britain, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Italy, Turkey, Latvia, France, Belgium, and the Czech Republic. The article concludes on the state and prospects of Belarusian-Serbian relations, cooperation of Belarus and Serbia with the EU and neighboring countries, and gives a description of the political systems and foreign policy of Belarus and Serbia.


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