scholarly journals Key milestones of the negotiating process on the accession of Croatia to the EU in 2007 – 2008

Author(s):  
Serhii Horopakha

On 1st July 2013, the Republic of Croatia officially became the 28th member of the European Union. This event marked the fulfillment of a foreign policy goal, along with joining NATO in 2009, as a major step forward in the country’s long-term consolidation process. The article therefore analyzes the key events of the Croatia – EU relations in 2007-2008, which moved this Balkan country closer to implementing its Euro-integration course. Particular attention is paid to the peculiarities of the pre-accession negotiations with the European Union, as well as to internal and foreign policy factors that had a direct impact on the Euro-integration dialogue between Croatia and the European Union. In this context, emphasis is placed on problem issues that slowed down the dynamics of the negotiation process to a certain extent, in particular the unilateral application by Croatia of the Ecological and Fisheries Protection Zone, and measures taken by the Croatian authorities to settle them. Significant achievements of Croatia in the negotiation process with the European Union are highlighted, in particular, progress of the country in meeting the European Union criteria as well as a date determination the of pre-accession negotiations completion as an important political sign of the European Union readiness to accept a new member in future.

AGROFOR ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vesna Mrdalj ◽  
Gordana Rokvić ◽  
Petra Nikić Nauth

One of the most challenging issues for the countries that are in the process ofaccession to the European Union is the reform of agriculture, precisely agriculturalpolicy and its compliance with the Common Agricultural Policy of the EuropeanUnion (CAP). The strategic orientation of the Republic of Srpska and Bosnia andHerzegovina is a full EU member status, which is defined with signatory to theStabilization and Accession Agreement in 2008 and confirmed with Applicationfor membership in the European Union, submitted in February 2016. Consideringthe upcoming accession negotiation process, the reformation of agricultural sectoris necessary in all areas of development: production, policy and legal frameworkand institutional development. Until 2015 Republic Srpska made and adopted twokey strategic documents that determine the directions, objectives and measures fordeveloping of agriculture and rural areas. Recently the Republic of Srpska adopteda new strategic plan for the development of agriculture and rural areas for theperiod 2016- 2020. Considering that agriculture budget represents a first indicatorof the countries sector priorities, objective of this paper is to provide analysis ofagricultural policy through the agricultural budget of the Republic of Srpska and itscompliance with Common Agricultural Policy of the EU. Comparative analysis isrelated to the period 2006 – 2014 using EU methodology for the classification ofagricultural measures (pillars and axis). Research results show that the structure ofmeasures and scope of budgetary support, defined within agricultural policy of theRepublic of Srpska is not compatible with Common Agricultural Policy of the EU.


Author(s):  
A.Zh. Seitkhamit ◽  
◽  
S.M. Nurdavletova

The European Union dynamically exercises various forms and methods of the Soft Power in its foreign policy. The article reviews its main principles and characteristics as well as conceptual basics. As an example, the article considers the European cultural diplomacy in the Republic of Kazakhstan as a method of soft power. The authors pay an attention specific actions of the European cultural diplomacy in Kazakhstan as well as the mechanisms of its implementation. Apart from that, cultural soft power of two European countries – France and Germany – are considered as separate actions of the EU member states in the sphere of culture. Finally, it assesses importance of Kazakhstan for the EU and effectiveness of such policy in this country.


2016 ◽  
pp. 30-46
Author(s):  
Jakub Lachert

The fundamental thesis of this paper is that the European Union has, at its disposal, economic and political tools to resolve conflict in Transnistria. The EU Association Agreement signed with the Republic of Moldova is an important instrument which could be used to reintegrate Transnistria with Moldova. In the long term, the flourishing Moldavian economy associated with the EU might prove a more attractive alternative for Tiraspol than dependence on unpredictable Russia. However, Russia continues to play an important part in the efforts to solve the conflict.


2021 ◽  
Vol 120 ◽  
pp. 01013
Author(s):  
Stanislav Stanev

The countries of the Western Balkans have declared their foreign policy priority membership not only in NATO but also in the European Union. Achieving these goals is associated with overcoming many challenges of different nature. Although not directly related to the country's de facto membership of the EU, its infrastructure and the level of its connection with its neighbors raises many of the issues important to society and forms many of its immediate priorities. Difficulties in interconnectedness between countries can have both a political and a geographical basis. In this regard, a serious challenge for the Republic of Northern Macedonia is the level of connection with its eastern and western neighbors. Almost 30 years after the declaration of independence, the infrastructure continues to follow the realities set and realized by Socialist Yugoslavia. This in turn poses many difficulties for the economic development of the whole region. A significant part of the reasons for the lack of progress are also due to purely geographical reasons, but alternative solutions can be sought to overcome the backlog in connectivity.


Author(s):  
Paddy Hoey

By the end of the 2010s, Sinn Féin was by far the strongest republican voice was rapidly building a stronger base in the Republic of Ireland where it had become the third largest party in the Dáil. But, the structures of the Peace Process and the Stormont Assembly meant that it was no further to significantly challenging of the political status quo in Northern Ireland. The vote for Brexit, based as it was on a binary notion of British sovereignty that had been fudged by the Good Friday Agreement, changed that. The nature of Britain’s exiting of the European Union had massive ramifications of the Irish border. With a majority of people in Northern Ireland voting to remain (with 85% of the nationalist population doing so), the unionist veto over the wishes of the wider population came under deeper scrutiny. For Sinn Féin, which had been a long-term critic of the EU, this provided an opportunity putting the border back on the agenda. For dissidents, they found themselves in the unlikely position of sharing the same political standpoint as Nigel Farage, Boris Johnson, Michael Gove, and, allegedly, the Queen.


Author(s):  
Dominika Rosłoń

At a time when Polish became a full member of EU, it started to specify its objectives and determined the process of their implementation. This situation caused a shock and a reluctance in many circles of Western political class, which were unaccustomed to contact with Warsaw like real member of EU. This period was undoubtedly difficult and it can be described as painful for both sides during the confrontation with reality. Poland ceased to be just a supplicant, and the main EU state accepted it reluctantly. 2005-2007 years (Partia Prawo i Sprawiedliwoscść was at the power that time) were undoubtedly a period of revealing the practical significance of the new Polish political position in Europe, obtained on the basis of full membership in the EU and enhancing the political changes in the CIS area, that were caused by the Orange Revolution in Ukraine. Three facts – Polish accession to the European Union, the Ukrainian revolution and the institutional reform of the EU – determined the current policy objectives of the Republic of Poland and created new opportunities for her. Keywords: Polish foreign policy, EU, institutional reform of the European Union, the Visegrad Group


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 86-96
Author(s):  
P. A. Smirnov

The article is devoted to the role of the identity factor in the Bulgarian-Macedonian relations. The main controversial issues acute in the period 1991–2021 are the question of the independence of the Macedonian language and the question of the “starting point” of Macedonian history. The foreign policy of the Macedonian republic is investigated in the context of Balkan states` striving for Euro- Atlantic integration. An important part of the study is analyzing the problems of the European Union enlargement to the south-east.As a result of the research, the author comes to several conclusions: Sofia’s opposition to Skopje’s accession to the EU has a solid economic implication; relations with the Bulgarian state have always been of key importance for the Macedonian republic, regardless of plans to join NATO and the EU, since touched upon the key issues of self-determination of the Macedonian people; the rhetoric of the Bulgarian side has a certain tendency to revise the role of Bulgaria in the Second World War, which is categorically unacceptable for the EU member states seeking to withdraw the historical agenda from the negotiation process on the Republic of North Macedonia’s accession to the European Union.


Author(s):  
Federiga Bindi

Italy is a founding member state of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and, subsequently, the European Economic Community (EEC). At the time, membership meant anchoring the newborn Italian democracy, regaining international respectability after the Fascist period renewed vest internationally , and securing much-needed economic support to boost development. While in the 1950s the left side of the political spectrum vehemently opposed ECSC/EEC membership, starting with the late 1980s, European integration became the most important pillar of Italian foreign policy, an issue of shared consensus among different partiesa. The golden period for Italy – that is the phase when Italy was at the peak of its influence in the Communities - was the decade ranging from the mid 1980s to the mid 1990s,. At the time, Italian politicians such as Giulio Andreotti played fundamental roles in key moments of EEC/EU history: enlargement to the south, the single market, the Treaty of the European Union, and especially the creation of the euro are all key events in the history of the European Union which is safe to say would have never happened without the skillful contribution of Italy’s key government actors of the time. As European integration started again to be a contentious issue in domestic politics, so declined Italy’s influence. In more recent years: despite Italy’s formal status as a “big” member of the EU, Rome became less relevant than Madrid in EU decision making procedures. The parochial attitude of Italian elites, the incapacity of long-term programming, and relative government instability are all factors that have contributed to reducing the role of Italy in the EU.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-72
Author(s):  
Valeriі Rіeznikov

The newest policy of Ukraine should be to develop such state concepts, strategies and programs that would contribute to the European integration of the country, taking into account the current challenges of today. The purpose of the article is to define the conceptual foundations of the strategy of formation and implementation of state policy in the sphere of European integration of Ukraine in modern conditions. The conceptual framework of the national strategy for the European integration of Ukraine is a general concept of the country’s long-term actions, a certain model of the mission realization and achievement of long-term goals, which defines its development prospects, main directions and priorities of activity in the European integration sphere. Such a generalized European integration concept of Ukraine is reflected in the relevant state documents, laws and by-laws, and within the framework of the state strategy, strategies for development of various spheres, sectors and sectors of economy and public life are developed and implemented in accordance with the existing requirements, rules and regulations of the euro framework documents.A significant event in the European integration of Ukraine into the EU was the introduction of amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine (concerning the strategic course of the state for the acquisition of full membership of Ukraine in the European Union and in the Organization of the North Atlantic Treaty). In addition to the issues related to the implementation of the Association Agreement, further progress on the European integration of Ukraine should also take place in the following areas: associations with the Schengen area; accession to the EU customs union; accession to the EU Energy Union; the entry into force of the common aviation space; joining the digital market, etc.Integration with the EU is an important component of Ukraine’s foreign policy. However, conceptually, European integration should be seen first and foremost as a comprehensive domestic state policy aimed at introducing reforms and transformations that are necessary and important for Ukrainian society, and only then, as a component of foreign state policy, which depends largely on the political will of the EU on the pace and full integration with our country. Thus, the strategy of Ukraine’s integration into the European Union should ensure the country’s accession to the European political, legal, economic, informational and security space. Obtaining full EU membership in the medium term on this basis should become a major foreign policy priority of Ukraine’s policy formulation and implementation policy in the face of contemporary challenges of today.


2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Živorad Gligorijević ◽  
Enes Ćorović

AbstractThe focus of research interest on the analysis of the competitiveness of the textile industry of the Republic of Serbia stems from the fact that, despite many years of negative indicators of development and objectively unsatisfactory status, the industry has maintained a recognizable and pronounced export potential. Namely, despite the marginal share in the production of gross domestic product, the textile industry is continuously, in terms of its export, among the top five most important exporters. The research should point to the trend and dynamics of changes in the competitiveness of the industry and the stability of the economic flows. For the purpose of complex analysis of the phenomena related to the competitiveness of this part of the national economy, the paper uses the methodology developed by the International Trade Centre UNCTAD/WTO (ITC), and in particular the Trade Performance Index group of indicators. The results of the research provide a basis for the conclusion that the textile industry can still be one of the stable pillars of self-sustainable growth, but also of the long-term production and trade integration of the Republic of Serbia with the European Union.


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