Mexico's Failing Political System

1987 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 107-124
Author(s):  
Carl J. Migdail

Revolution is Always a Latent Course of action for opposition groups in Mexico where no peaceful process exists for real change of control of political power.Mexicans opposed to the continued domination of their country by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI), which has ruled Mexico since 1929, have compared this year's presidential election to that of 1910. Reelection then of President Porfirio Daz, who had been dictator for 34 years, led directly to the society-shattering revolution which devastated Mexico for well over a decade. The population of Mexico, 15 million in 1910, dropped to 14 million by 1920.Analysis of political trends in Mexico indicates, however, that while armed revolt against continuing political and economic control by the PRI remains an option for the opposition, Mexico's government is not now, nor is it likely to be in the foreseeable future, in danger of being overthrown.

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (69) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis Carlos Rodríguez Montaño ◽  
Nicolás Pineda Páblos

Resumen: en este trabajo se indagó sobre la transición política mexicana en los gobiernos estatales, para lo que se planteó la pregunta: ¿qué tanto ha declinado la hegemonía del Partido Revolucionario Institucional en ellos? Para contestarla se revisaron tres indicadores: el partido de los gobernadores, el tamaño de la fracción del Partido Revolucionario Institucional en los congresos locales y la incidencia de los gobiernos hegemónicos priistas en los estados, de 1989 a 2014. El pluralismo político ha tenido avances sustantivos, y los regímenes de hegemonía priista se han reducido significativamente. Pero, mientras que en la mayoría de los estados hay gobiernos divididos, cinco mantienen la hegemonía priista sin alternancia, y hay 17 con dominio de otros partidos. A pesar de las limitaciones propias en los análisis sobre la evolución de la democracia, aquí se pretendió tener un punto de referencia sobre la pérdida del poder político de un partido que dominó la mayoría de los congresos locales durante gran parte del siglo xx.Palabras clave: Partido Revolucionario Institucional; gobiernos estatales; sistemas de partido hegemónico; sistema político mexicano; pluralismo político; regímenes de partidos; regímenes de gobierno; poder legislativo. The decline of pri’s hegemony in the state governments of Mexico, 1989-2014Abstract: this paper inquiries about Mexican political transition among state governments and it asks the question: how much the hegemony of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (pri) has declined among state governments? To answer this question, three indicators are revised: the party of governors, the size of pri fraction within local congresses, and the count of hegemonic state governments during the approximate 1989-2014 period. The study finds out that political pluralism has made substantive progress and that hegemonic pri state governments have significantly declined. There is however a broad variability; while the majority of states are divided governments, five maintain hegemonic pri governments with no alternation, and also 17 states have governments where other party is dominant. Despite of limitations in the analysis of the evolution of democracy, it was intended here to have a reference point on the loss of political power of a party that dominated most of local congresses for much of the 20th century.Key words: Institutional Revolutionary Party; state governments; hegemonic party systems; Mexican political system; political pluralism; party systems; governance systems; legislative power.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Teresa Sierra ◽  
Orlando Aragón

El año 2000 supuso un momento de una gran esperanza para amplios sectores sociales de México. La derrota electoral que sufrió ese año el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), que gobernó al país durante más de setenta años, parecía augurar nuevos aires al anquilosado Estado mexicano, una supuesta apertura para la construcción de relaciones más igualitarias con sectores sociales históricamente marginados, en especial con los indígenas, y en general lo que algunos grupos veían como el florecimiento, por fin, de una cultura cívica arraigada en prácticas democráticas y en el multipartidismo.Esta expectativa, sin embargo, pronto se desvaneció; no sólo no se produjeron los cambios esperados, sino que se profundizaron y sofisticaron las prácticas anti-democráticas del viejo régimen; así como la marginación y exclusión económica a causa de la radicalización de las políticas neoliberales que comenzaron con los últimos gobiernos del PRI. En el caso de los pueblos indígenas las acotadas reformas constitucionales del 2001, que les reconocieron derechos de libredeterminaciòn y autonomía, pronto mostraron sus límites al acompañarse de reglamentaciones que redujeron los alcances de los derechos reconocidos y que se acompañaron de políticas dirigidas a fomentar la privatización de las tierras indígenas y a facilitar la incursión del capital transnacional en zonas con recursos naturales atractivos a la demanda del capitalismo mundial.---INDIGENOUS PEOPLES AND THE CHALLENGES OF THE LAW IN NEOLIBERAL CONTEXT: Between strategic use, dispossession and criminalization.The year 2000 marked a time of great hope for many social sectors in Mexico. The electoral defeat, that happened this year, of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which ruled the country for over seventy years, seemed to herald new life to the stagnant Mexican state, an alleged opening to the construction of more egalitarian relationships with historically marginalized social sectors, especially with the Indians, and in general, with what some groups saw as the flourishment of a civic culture rooted in democratic practices and in a multiparty system.These expectations soon faded, however; not only did it not produce the expected changes but it sophisticated and deepened anti-democratic practices of the old regime; as well as helped economic exclusion and marginalization because of the radicalization of neoliberal policies that began with the previous PRI governments. For indigenous peoples the bounded constitutional reforms of 2001, which recognized their rights of free self determination and autonomy, soon showed its limits accompanied by regulations that reduced the scope of rights granted and which were accompanied by policies to promote privatization of indigenous lands and to facilitate the incursion of transnational capital in areas with attractive natural resources to the demand of world capitalism.keywords: indigenous people, neoliberalism, violence.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric C. Jones ◽  
Diana Luque ◽  
Arthur D. Murphy

In the state of Sonora, the 2009 Hermosillo ABC Day Care Center fire and the 2014 Cananea copper mine spill highlighted how deregulation and divestiture of state services by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and the National Action Party (PAN) served the interests of a few elites, who maintained rule through mechanisms of impunity: in other words, through actions undertaken without concern about the law or repercussions. Although impunity produces a seemingly incoherent set of policy and politics, results from dozens of semi-structured interviews by our team also suggest that exercising power through impunity is part of the culture of governance in Mexico, relying on global ties, but not necessarily requiring any specific individual or party leadership. El incendio de la Guardería ABC de la Cd. de Hermosillo, Sonora en 2009, y el derrame de la mina de cobre de Cananea, Sonora en 2014, exhibió la falta de regulación estatal, así como la ineficiencia en materia de servicios públicos durante las administraciones de los partidos políticos del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) así como del Partido Acción Nacional (PAN), demostrando que finalmente están al servicio de los intereses de pequeñas élites que mantienen y gobiernan a través de mecanismos de impunidad. Aunque la impunidad sí produce un conjunto de programas y políticas incoherentes, los resultados de más de 100 entrevistas semi-estructuradas sugieren que, además, el ejercicio de poder mediante la impunidad es parte de una cultura de gobernanza en México, que requiere vínculos globales, pero no necesariamente requiere liderazgos específicos, ya sean individuales o de partido.


Subject Morena's election prospects. Significance On April 17, newspaper Reforma published the results of a poll (conducted between April 7-10) revealing the leader of the new, leftist Movement of National Regeneration (Morena) Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador to be the most popular candidate ahead of the 2018 presidential election. Although President Enrique Pena Nieto's Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) had the greater share of preferences, all its potential candidates came third after Lopez Oberador and former First Lady Margarita Zavala (2006-12) of the conservative National Action Party (PAN). Impacts While Lopez Obrador's popularity may boost Morena, conversely the party could hold him back, hindering his presidential chances in 2018. Coalitions with the PAN will boost the PRD's election hopes, but its failure to redefine itself may see it lose support to Morena. Morena's continued refusal to enter into coalitions could cripple the Mexican left for years to come.


Xihmai ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
Author(s):  
Beatriz Gómez Villanueva

Resumen.El discurso de lo nacional mexicano, desde la óptica de los gobiernos de la etapa posrevolucionaria y la neoliberal logra, con su análisis, entender los derroteros que orientaron las acciones gubernamentales durante una parte emblemática del siglo XX. Todo ello, con el sustento de un concepto de lo nacional formulado en el imaginario polí­tico que se derivó de una revolución ”ininterrumpida”. La Revolución Mexicana fue í­cono y respuesta ante cualquier tipo de gestión de los mandatos emanados del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), entidad que dominó el panorama polí­tico de la mayor parte del siglo pasado. La expectativa de comprender el poder desde su orden discursivo es el objetivo del presente estudio, el cual se formula de manera introductoria.Abstract.The discourse of the mexican national, from the optic of the governments, the postrevolutionary and the neoliberal phase achieves with its analysis, to understand governmental actions during an emblematic part of the XX century. All of that, with the sustenanceand the concept of the national formulated in the imaginary political derived in an ”uninterrupted” revolution. The Mexican Revolution was an icon and ananswer emanated from the Institutional Revolution Party (PRI); an entity that dominated most part of last century’s political panorama. The expectancy to understand the power from its discursive order is the objective of the present study, which formulates itself in an introductory manner.Palabras clave: Nacionalismo mexicano, Revolución Mexicana, Posrevolución, Neoliberalismo,Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), Revolución institucionalizada.Keywords: Mexican nationalism, Mexican Revolution, Postrevolution, Neoliberalism, Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Institutionalized Revolution.


Author(s):  
Laura Nelly Medellín Mendoza

Presentamos un análisis cualitativo exploratorio-descriptivo desde la Ciencia Política acerca de la argumentación sostenida en las iniciativas de la Ley de Seguridad Interior (LSI) presentadas por el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), el Partido Acción Nacional (PAN) y el Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD). Dos conceptos operativos guían el análisis: razón de Estado y derechos humanos, presentes tanto en las justificaciones implícitas de quienes impulsan la Ley como en las de sus detractores, quienes la califican de violatoria de derechos humanos. En este último punto, nos concentramos en revisar dos acciones de inconstitucionalidad presentadas por la Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos (CNDH) y por un grupo de legisladores de oposición que no votaron a favor de la LSI en la Sexagésima Tercera Legislatura. Nos interesa mostrar la colisión de argumentos entre la visión de Estado, que quiere legitimar jurídicamente la presencia del Ejército en las calles y la otra visión, que asume una justificación garantista de los derechos humanos. Abstract We present an exploratory qualitative analysis from the standpoint of Political Science about the argumentation sustained in the initiatives of the Internal Security Law (LSI) presented by the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the National Action Party and the Party of the Democratic Revolution. Two operative concepts guide the analysis: reason of State and human rights, both present in the implicit justifications of those who promote the law, and in those of its detractors, who qualify it as a violation of human rights. In this last point, we concentrate on reviewing two unconstitutionality actions presented by the National Commission of Human Rights and by a group of opposition legislators who did not vote in favor of the LSI in the Sixty-Third Legislature. We aim to show the collision of arguments between the vision of the State, which wants to legally legitimize the presence of the Army in the streets, and the other vision, which assumes a guaranteeing justification of human rights.


2008 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jordi Dííez

During the hegemonic rule of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party) (PRI), civil-military relations in Mexico were characterized by an implicit ““pact”” between civilian authorities and the armed forces, a pact that resulted in little civilian oversight and high levels of military autonomy. Despite Mexico's transition to democracy in 2000, the pact has been maintained, albeit somewhat altered. Because the responsibility to oversee the armed forces in democratic regimes is shared among the three branches of government, legislatures play an essential role in the oversight process, which directly affects democratic transparency, horizontal accountability, and good governance. This article investigates the extent to which the Mexican Congress has been able to exercise effectively its constitutionally mandated authority to oversee the armed forces as it emerges as a powerful institution in transitional Mexico. It argues that although congressional oversight has increased in some areas, it has generally remained weak. Durante el réégimen hegemóónico del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), las relaciones entre civiles y militares en Mééxico se caracterizaban por un ‘‘pacto’’ implíícito entre las autoridades civiles y las fuerzas armadas, el cual otorgaba a los militares gran autonomíía militar con poco control civil. A pesar de la transicióón a la democracia en 2000, este pacto civil-militar se ha mantenido, si bien con algunas modificaciones. Dada que la responsabilidad de la supervisióón de las fuerzas armadas en los regíímenes democrááticos es compartida por los tres poderes de gobierno, el poder legislativo funge un rol esencial en el proceso de supervisióón, el cual afecta la transparencia democráática, la responsabilidad y el buen gobierno. Este artíículo investiga cuan capaz ha sido el congreso mexicano en ejercer sus responsabilidades constitucionales de supervisióón de las fuerzas armadas en la medida en que se posiciona como una poderosa institucióón en el Mééxico de la transicióón. El artíículo arguye que a pesar de que la supervisióón legislativa de las fuerzas armadas se ha incrementado, en general continúúa siendo déébil.


2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
WILLIAM A. BOOTH

AbstractThe most significant weakness of the Marxist Left in early Cold War Mexico was that it subordinated itself to post-revolutionary nationalism. Both the Mexican Communist Party and followers of Vicente Lombardo Toledano supported the ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party, PRI), avoiding significant criticism before late 1947. Some dissident currents of Marxism did exist, but they were sparsely followed. Mexico provides an extreme case of Left subordination to popular-nationalist ideology, yet is indicative of trends visible elsewhere, e.g. among Marxist groups in post-war Cuba and the United States. Rather than promoting notions of communist political practice, the Mexican Marxist Left consistently advocated the elimination of class conflict and support for the ‘national bourgeoisie’. The Marxist Left held the Mexican government to different standards from those to which they held the governments of other countries. A near-consensus on the Mexican Left equated patriotism with progressive politics. The argument is illustrated with an important case study: the 1947 Marxist Round Table.


Subject The June 5 state election results. Significance According to preliminary results, President Enrique Pena Nieto's ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won only five of the twelve state gubernatorial elections held on June 5. In contrast, the conservative opposition National Action Party (PAN) won seven -- four on its own and three in coalition with the leftist Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), which did not obtain a single governorship by itself. The radical, leftist National Regeneration Movement (Morena) performed particularly well in Veracruz and Zacatecas, where it won between one-quarter and one-third of the vote, although it did not win any governorships. Impacts Alliances of ideological opposites PAN and PRD are electorally effective and may see them win the State of Mexico in 2017. Nevertheless, the PAN will have little incentive to join forces with a weak PRD for the presidential election in 2018. While Morena did not win any governorship, leader Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador is now well positioned ahead of 2018.


Subject The outlook for the PRI. Significance President Enrique Pena Nieto’s Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) appointed a new chairman on May 2, one month into the formal campaign period of July's presidential election. In an apparent effort to revive enthusiasm among traditional 'priistas' -- many of whom are disappointed with the experimental appointment of non-PRI member Jose Antonio Meade as presidential candidate -- former Guerrero Governor Rene Juarez Cisneros replaces the more reformist Enrique Ochoa Reza. The appointments illustrate the difficulties facing the PRI as it tries to adapt to new political realities and salvage something from the elections; with Meade trailing in voting intentions, the party looks set for a crushing defeat. Impacts Juarez will struggle to win any of this year’s nine gubernatorial races; the PRI is not the favourite in any of them. The PRI may also end up third in terms of its share of congressional seats in both chambers, an unprecedented result. Ideological tensions will push some PRI members to migrate to Morena.


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