Inter-Party Constituency Differences and Congressional Voting Behavior

1963 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lewis A. Froman
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
National Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Social Environments ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Congressional Districts ◽  
Small Areas ◽  
Party Differences ◽  
Democrats And Republicans

Academic studies of roll-call voting in Congress have tended to stress two factors: (1) the substantial degree of party cohesion in Congress on most issues, and (2) the importance of constituency factors in explaining deviations from party votes within parties. These studies indicate that party is the single most important predictor of roll-call behavior, and that constituency factors explain most of the deviation from party votes. No such study, however, describes constituency differences between Democrats and Republicans on the national level—that is, inter-party differences on constituency variables as opposed to intra-party differences. We will attempt, in this study, to demonstrate that differences between Democrats and Republicans are not merely a matter of party label or ideology (few really contend otherwise), but that they are rooted in basic differences in the kinds of constituencies from which Democrats and Republicans come. We will then go on to show that these constituency factors are also important in explaining intra-party differences in voting in Congress, but only by way of supporting the hypothesis that party voting patterns reflect constituency differences.The general theory underlying this analysis posits gross relationships between sociological variables and political behavior, especially in democratic systems which permit relatively wide latitude in political activity. Since shared attitudes about various problems confronting people are often the result of sharing similar environments, and since economic and social environments vary widely in the United States, it is not surprising to find people located in similar environments choosing up sides in similar ways on matters of public policy, and differing with those who do not share the same environment. These effects should be most noticeable in relatively small areas, such as congressional districts.

Get Information or Get in Formation: The Effects of High-Information Environments on Legislative Elections

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Trussler
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
High Speed ◽  
Internet Access ◽  
The United States ◽  
Information Environment ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Incumbency Advantage ◽  
Broadband Internet ◽  
Congressional Districts ◽  
Roll Out

How does the changing information environment affect the degree to which voters make independent decisions for different offices on their ballots? Leveraging the gradual roll-out of broadband internet across the United States and across congressional districts, this study uses within-district variation over four election cycles to examine the effects of internet access on voting behavior in US legislative elections. The results show that the expansion of broadband resulted in less split-ticket voting and a lower incumbency advantage because voters exposed to increased high-speed internet voted in a more partisan fashion. Consistent with work demonstrating the effect of the internet on local news consumption, the results suggest that the change in the information environment resulting from enhanced internet access led voters to prioritize national considerations over local considerations. This has important consequences for not only how voters act, but the resulting incentives that elected officials confront.

scholarly journals The Effect of Whiteness and Attempts to Preserve It on Political Division in the United States

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-117
Author(s):  
Therin Alrik Showalter
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
College Graduates ◽  
National Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
The Public ◽  
White Voters ◽  
Dramatic Shift

Beginning in the early 1990s, the American public has become increasingly politically polarized. As party affiliations have become more rigid, a racial trend has emerged in which white voters are much less likely than black voters to identify as liberal or align with the Democratic Party. Using voting data from the 2016 presidential election, this study correlates the prevalence of whiteness in certain counties with those counties’ support for Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton. This paper first details the increasing polarization over the past decades and the dramatic shift of white voters away from liberalism. It then analyzes the political affiliations of other identity groups (such as women, millennials, and college graduates) that are majority liberal and demonstrates that, when restricted to their white members, those groups all lean conservative. The research results find a significant correlation between concentrated whiteness and a rejection of Hillary Clinton. The correlation on a national level is weaker, however, than the correlation of counties when separated regionally, suggesting that the relationship between whiteness and anti-liberalism depends heavily on a county’s degree of whiteness (or anti-liberalism) in its geographical context. While it is impossible to determine whether the race of white voters consciously motivates their voting behavior, the results suggest that American democracy is informed, in some way, by the racial identities of its participants. These results should encourage the public to discuss the current political climate and its intensely divided electorate from a racial perspective. If the nation perceives political division as a problem to be solved, it is essential to understand what factors might be causing the division. To that end, the results of this study would be fundamental to the nation’s dialogue and should be considered when voters make their decision on Election Day. 

Policy for science by ballot or by roll call?

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Jonah J. Ralston
Keyword(s):  
Stem Cell ◽  
Stem Cell Research ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
The United States ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Research Initiative ◽  
Citizen Initiative ◽  
Voting Decisions ◽  
The U.S

Abstract This study compares stem cell research policymaking by legislators and citizens in the United States. First, using exit poll results from a 2006 stem cell research initiative in Missouri, the study finds that deeply held personal values such as religious beliefs and views of abortion predominate in an individual’s voting decision on this issue; second, an analysis of voting behavior by senators on the Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act of 2005 finds that senators make their voting decisions based on their personal policy preferences rather than their constituents’ preferences; and third, the complexity of the Missouri citizen initiative is compared with that of the legislation in the U.S. Senate, finding that the language of the citizen initiative is more sophisticated than the language of the legislative act. These findings provide the context for a broader discussion of the role of citizens and legislators in making policy for science.

A Comparative Analysis of Senate-House Voting on Economic and Welfare Policy, 1953–1964

1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aage R. Clausen ◽  
Richard B. Cheney
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Welfare Policy ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Substantial Impact ◽  
Policy Positions ◽  
Congressional Voting ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
Personnel Turnover ◽  
Party Differences

The manifest purpose of the roll call analysis described in this paper is that of demonstrating the existence of two policy dimensions in Congressional voting: economic and welfare. Support is sought for two propositions:I. Each of the two dimensions appears in both the House and the Senate in each of six Congresses, the 83rd through the 88th, 1953–1964;II. Roll call voting on the economic policy dimension is more heavily influenced by partisan differences while welfare policy voting is more subject to constituency constraints.The second proposition is significant as an attempt to distinguish between a policy dimension on which partisan differences appear to be responsible for the greater part of the voting variation, and a policy dimension on which constituency factors have a substantial impact. This bears upon the more general concern with distinguishing those party differences in voting behavior which are a function of an independent partisan factor from those which may be attributed to any number of factors correlated with partisan affiliation. This problem will be viewed from different analytic perspectives, including an analysis of the effects of intra-party and inter-party personnel turnover on the policy positions taken by representatives of the same constituency.

Mobilization of Liberal Strength in the House, 1955–1970: The Democratic Study Group

1974 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 667-681
Author(s):  
Arthur G. Stevens ◽  
Arthur H. Miller ◽  
Thomas E. Mann
Keyword(s):  
Communication Network ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Study Group ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Longitudinal Patterns ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
Central Hypothesis ◽  
Democrats And Republicans

In 1959 a number of progressive Democratic congressmen organized the Democratic Study Group (DSG) as a vehicle for countering certain conservative biases then present in the decision-making process in the House of Representatives. This paper presents brief descriptions of the difficulties faced by these congressmen in their efforts to pass more “liberal” legislation and of the organization and activities of the DSG. The analytical focus is on an assessment of DSG success in developing an effective communication network as a means of achieving its policy goals. The central hypothesis is that this communication network has had an impact on the voting behavior of DSG members. Roll-call data from the 84th through the 91st Congress are examined to ascertain whether longitudinal patterns in the voting of DSG members, non-southern non-DSG Democrats, southern Democrats, and Republicans tend to confirm or deny this hypothesis.

Silence of the Land: On the Historical Irrelevance of Territory to Congressional Districting and Political Representation in the United States

2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
Congressional District ◽  
Congressional Districts ◽  
Communities Of Interest

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.

Political bullshit receptivity and its correlates: a cross-cultural validation of the concept

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vukašin Gligorić ◽  
Allard Feddes ◽  
Bertjan Doosje
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Meta Analysis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Persuasive Communication ◽  
Lower Probability ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Total N

Frankfurt defined persuasive communication that has no regard for truth, knowledge, or evidence as bullshit. Although there has been a lot of psychological research on pseudo-profound bullshit, no study examined this type of communication in politics. In the present research, we operationalize political bullshit receptivity as endorsing vague political statements, slogans, and political bullshit programs. We investigated the relationship of these three measures with pseudo-profound bullshit, ideology (political ideology, support for neoliberalism), populism, and voting behavior. Three pre-registered studies in different cultural settings (the United States, Serbia, The Netherlands; total N = 534) yielded medium to high intercorrelations between political bullshit measures and pseudo-profound bullshit, and good construct validity (hypothesized one-factor solution). A Bayesian meta-analysis showed that all political bullshit measures positively correlated with support for the free market, while only some positively correlated with social (political statements and programs) and economic conservatism (programs), and populism (programs). In the U.S., higher receptivity to political bullshit was associated with a higher probability that one voted for Trump (vs Clinton) in the past and higher intentions to vote for Trump (vs Biden and Sanders). In the Netherlands, higher receptivity to political bullshit predicted the intention to vote for the conservative-liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy. Exploratory analyses on merged datasets showed that higher receptivity to political bullshit was associated with a higher probability to vote for right-wing candidates/parties and lower probability for the left-wing ones. Overall, political bullshit endorsement showed good validity, opening avenues for research in political communication, especially when this communication is broad and meaningless.

Applicability of management guidelines for surfing resources in California

Shore & Beach ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 53-64
Author(s):  
Edward Atkin ◽  
Dan Reineman ◽  
Jesse Reiblich ◽  
David Revell
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
National Level ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Management Guidelines ◽  
For Profit ◽  
Aotearoa New Zealand ◽  
Coastal Marine ◽  
Management Measures ◽  
Legal Frameworks

Surf breaks are finite, valuable, and vulnerable natural resources, that not only influence community and cultural identities, but are a source of revenue and provide a range of health benefits. Despite these values, surf breaks largely lack recognition as coastal resources and therefore the associated management measures required to maintain them. Some countries, especially those endowed with high-quality surf breaks and where the sport of surfing is accepted as mainstream, have recognized the value of surfing resources and have specific policies for their conservation. In Aotearoa New Zealand surf breaks are included within national environmental policy. Aotearoa New Zealand has recently produced Management Guidelines for Surfing Resources (MGSR), which were developed in conjunction with universities, regional authorities, not-for-profit entities, and government agencies. The MGSR provide recommendations for both consenting authorities and those wishing to undertake activities in the coastal marine area, as well as tools and techniques to aid in the management of surfing resources. While the MGSR are firmly aligned with Aotearoa New Zealand’s cultural and legal frameworks, much of their content is applicable to surf breaks worldwide. In the United States, there are several national-level and state-level statutes that are generally relevant to various aspects of surfing resources, but there is no law or policy that directly addresses them. This paper describes the MGSR, considers California’s existing governance frameworks, and examines the potential benefits of adapting and expanding the MGSR in this state.

Patient Autonomy, Capacity, and Consent

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Donnelly ◽  
Jessica Berg
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
National Standard ◽  
Legal Principles ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
Human Rights Norms ◽  
Law And Legislation

This chapter explores a number of key issues: the role of competence and capacity, advance directives, and decisions made for others. It analyses the ways these are treated in the United States and in selected European jurisdictions. National-level capacity legislation and human rights norms play a central role in Europe, which means that healthcare decisions in situations of impaired capacity operate in accordance with a national standard. In the United States, the legal framework is more state-based (rather than federal), and the courts have played a significant role, with both common law and legislation varying considerably across jurisdictions. Despite these differences, this chapter identifies some similar legal principles which have developed.

scholarly journals Food-Based Dietary Guidelines for Seafood Do Not Translate into Increased Long-Chain Omega-3 Levels in the Diet for U.S. Consumers

Foods ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (8) ◽  
pp. 1816
Author(s):  
Michael F. Tlusty
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Fatty Acids ◽  
National Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Dietary Guidelines ◽  
Omega 3 Fatty Acids ◽  
Omega 3 ◽  
Complete Understanding ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Long Chain

Humans under-consume fish, especially species high in long-chain omega-3 fatty acids. Food-based dietary guidelines are one means for nations to encourage the consumption of healthy, nutritious food. Here, associations between dietary omega-3 consumption and food-based dietary guidelines, gross domestic product, the ranked price of fish, and the proportions of marine fish available at a national level were assessed. Minor associations were found between consumption and variables, except for food-based dietary guidelines, where calling out seafood in FBDGs did not associate with greater consumption. This relationship was explored for consumers in the United States, and it was observed that the predominant seafood they ate, shrimp, resulted in little benefit for dietary omega-3 consumption. Seafood is listed under the protein category in the U.S. Dietary Guidelines, and aggregating seafood under this category may limit a more complete understanding of its nutrient benefits beyond protein.

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