Explaining Ethnic Political Participation

1979 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelson Kasfir

Most concepts of ethnicity are unsuitable for political analysis because they ignore either subjective or objective aspects, and because they ignore the fluid and situational nature of ethnicity. The approach flowing from the concept proposed here permits the observer to examine empirical variations that tend to be treated as rigid assumptions by modernization analysts on the one hand and class analysts on the other. The concept is applied to a study of the Nubians of Uganda because of the intermixture of class and ethnic features involved in their fall from status at the beginning of the colonial period and their subsequent sudden rise following the 1071 coup d'état of Idi Amin. The fairly recent creation of the Nubians as an ethnic category and the relative ease with which others can become members illustrate other features of the proposed concept of ethnicity. Finally, this concept is used to examine and criticize overly restrictive notions of ethnicity found in theories based upon both cultural pluralism and consociationalism.

Author(s):  
Lia Milanesio

This article aims at analysing René Maran’s five animal novels. In these texts, Maran criticizes the colonial system not only for its cruelty to the native population, but also for its ecological violence against the bush and its non-human inhabitants. In particular, this research will be focusing on the author’s ability to abandon a human (and colonial) point of view in order to adopt an animal one. On the one hand, this new subjectivity – as well as Maran’s comprehension of indigenous naturalist society – allows the writer to condemn the colonial period from an ecocritical perspective. On the other hand, it provides evidence of the existence of culture among the beasts of his novels. Finally, this article will also prove that it is thanks to their culture that Maran’s animals will try to resist the colonial-centred environment and ideology.


Author(s):  
Helin Alagöz Gessler

This chapter analyses the effects of social media on political communication and the role they play in government-citizen relations by focusing on the Twitter ban phenomenon in Turkey in March 2014. The chapter asks the reasons of government intervention in social media, particularly Twitter. It argues that Twitter makes, on the one hand, a significant contribution to the evolution of political participation as it diversifies the process and methods of political communication. On the other hand, it introduces a new type of security dilemma which encourages governments to consider taking measures against social media to protect their authority.


2009 ◽  
Vol 197 ◽  
pp. 126-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusheng Yao

AbstractThis study of competitive elections in a northern China village identifies two contradictions: one between villagers and village officials, the other between village elite and those seeking power. The one between villagers and the old leadership in the village focuses on the latter's corruption and bad governance, which had led to serious erosion and unfair distribution of the collective property. The one between villagers and the new leadership lies in the latter's failure to address the problems left by the old leadership. Both led to popular discontent and fuelled political participation. The contradiction between elite members focuses on competing for political office, which has resulted in the formation of factions and factionalism in both election and post-election politics and has become a salient feature of the village politics. The investigation of this village with governing problems found that free elections have brought about a radical redistribution of political power, but little satisfaction to villagers because their deep-seated desire for a fair redistribution of the collective property remains unfulfilled.


(an)ecdótica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-117
Author(s):  
Ana Castaño

The illustrious 18th century bibliographer, theologian, preacher and professor Juan José de Eguiara y Eguren, wrote and preached approximately 212 sermons and talks which have been preserved in manuscript form in the Biblioteca Nacional de México. Despite the fact that these texts account for almost half of this author’s written work, we are only aware of the publication of 10 of his sermons. We may find this surprising when we consider, on the one hand, the literary and cultural transcendence of the genre of the sermon during the Colonial period and, on the other, the great care that Eguiara dedicated to the composition, correction and transcription of many of these pieces of writing. In this article, I present the edition of the first part of a manuscript sermon by Eguiara dedicated to St. Joseph, to whom the author seemed to show particular devotion, as I intend to demonstrate, based on the work and on the cultural and religious context of the historical period. I also propose here that this relatively extensive piece of writing complies with the formal characteristics of an “academic sermon,” insofar as we may speak of such a type of sermon in the 18th century. We know that Eguiara’s sermon about St. Joseph was preached during the second quarter of the century, on a more or less solemn occasion, though we do not know where; I shall propose some options regarding possible locations. We also know that Eguiara considered this sermon to be ready to go to press, both because of his clearly stated indication thereof and because of the attention given to the style and the structure of the work. It was carefully copied by an amanuensis and has corrections and additions by Eguiara; it was bound along with 9 other booklets containing other sermons about saints.


ALQALAM ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 171
Author(s):  
Muhammad Iqbal

The Sunni doctrine plays an important role in the government. Its accommodative characteristic is something important that makes Sunni doctrine to be a device of the legitimation of the authority. The Muslim thinkers of classical Sunni such as al-Mawardi (975-1058 M), al-Ghazali (1058-1111 M) and lbn Taimiyah(1263-1329 M) have a great role in formulating the political doctrine of Sunni. In spite of the different nuance, all of these three classical Sunni thinkers develop the moderate political doctrine of Sunni. On the one hand, it is, of course, significant in situating the harmonious relation between the ruler and community. Therefore, the social and political stabilities will be well-maintained On the other hand, such a thought for a certain extent evokes stagnancy. Because there is no radical thought which is critical and opposite against the authority, the Sunni idea is frequently made use for the instantaneous interests of power. On evenlttally, the mutual interrelationship between the Sunni ulama and the ruler often happens. While ulama feel obtaining the patronage from the authority, the ruler gains religious justification from ulama. In this context, Indonesia as the country with the majority of Sunni Muslims, as a matter of fact, applies the political doctrine of Sunni. It is because Sunni has had a long and establishei root since. the period of Islamic kingdoms in the archipelago, before Dutch-Colonial period. The archipelago ulama also formulated the harmonious relation between Islam and authority as formulated by the ulama of classical Sunni. The polotical tradition of Sunni was becoming stronger in line with the great influence of ulama in the archipelago kingdoms. This article tries to elaborate the relation between the Sunni ulama with the power of the kings in the archipelago and the patronage of the archipelago rulers toward them.


Ciencia Unemi ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (17) ◽  
pp. 44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alvaro Saenz Andrade

y participación. Estos constan en la Constitución, y en leyes orgánicas, lo que da un marco normativo impulsor del ejercicio democrático. En la aplicación de la política de fortalecimiento de la democracia, se encuentran fuerzas y posiciones provenientes de diversos actores. Se puede observar que entre los activadores de la participación el más importante es el propio Gobierno, acompañado de actores sociales organizados, antiguos y nuevos. Otros actores exigen una participación más radical, por un lado, y terceros desprecian la presencia popular en el Estado. Los medios de comunicación convencionales han sido los principales voceros de esta última posición. En la aplicación de la política de participación, las diversas fuerzas han actuado desarrollando algunos mecanismos, ocultando otros o distorsionando su sentido original. En todo ello se han manifestado las posiciones e intereses de los actores. A pesar de estas tensiones, la política de participación como tal se ha dinamizado y fortalecido. AbstractThe new Ecuadorian institutionality has created a large number of mechanisms of representation, direct democracy and participation. These are contained in the Constitution and organic laws, which gives a regulatory framework that constitutes itself the promoter of the democratic exercise. In the applying of the policy of strengthening of democracy, there are forces and positions from various actors. It can be seen that among the activators of the participation of actors, the government itself is the most important, accompanied by organized, old and new social ones. Others demand a more radical participation on the one hand, and on the other hand another third group despises a popular presence in the state. The conventional communication media have been the main spokesmen of the last group. In the applying of the policy of participation, various forces have acted by developing some mechanisms, hiding others or distorting its original meaning. About all of these, the actors have expressed their positions and interests. Despite these tensions, political participation as such has become dynamic and strengthened.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ophira Gamliel

Jewish history in Kerala is based on sources mainly from the colonial period onward and mostly in European languages, failing to account for the premodern history of Jews in Kerala. These early modern sources are based on oral traditions of Paradeśi Jews in Cochin, who view the majority of Kerala Jews as inferior. Consequently, the premodern history of Kerala Jews remains untold, despite the existence of premodern sources that undermine unsupported notions about the premodern history of Kerala Jews—a Jewish ‘ur-settlement’ called Shingly in Kodungallur and a centuries-old isolation from world Jewry. This article reconstructs Jewish history in premodern Kerala solely based on premodern travelogues and literature on the one hand and on historical documents in Old Malayalam, Hebrew and Judeo-Arabic on the other hand. Sources of the early modern period are then examined for tracing the origins of the Shingly myth, arguing that the incorporation of the Shingly legend into the historiography of Kerala Jews was affected by contacts with European Jews in the Age of Discoveries rather than being a reflection of historical events.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 181
Author(s):  
Silvano Calvetto

The social research performed by Danilo Montaldi (1929-1975) represented an interpretation of great interest in understanding the transformations of neo-capitalism between the 1950’s and 1960’s. In the ambit of a very critical militancy towards the traditional forms of political participation, his attention to subordinates is marked, in our view, by a significant pedagogical aspect. On the one hand, in fact, he focuses on the political and social processes through which subordinate subjectivity is formed, with particular regard to the role played by the institutions, while on the other hand, he examines strategies with regard to his own emancipation from that condition of oppression, based on the idea of education intended as liberation. Where the educational commitment and political commitment merge in the same project of reconstruction of society, looking beyond the drifts of neocapitalism in view of a world capable of recognizing the rights of all respecting each other’s differences. This, as has been observed by several commentators, seems to be the most significant legacy of Danilo Montaldi’s intellectual commitment.


2011 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 67-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Munster

In a range of digital creative productions and digital culture, questions of how to deal with finitude are on the rise. On the one hand, sectors of the digital entertainment industry – specifically computer games developers – are concerned with the question of how to manage `death' digitally. On the other hand, death and suicide have become the impetus for humorous artistic expression. This article tracks the emergence of a digital ethos that is cognizant of consequence, finitude and even death. Rather than pit a 1990s `will to life' against an emerging `death drive', I argue that the shift to an ethos in which dark consequences ensue from digital actions must be understood by working through digital code's technicity and unfolding this relation of technics to both ethics and politics. Although Bernard Stiegler's analysis of technicity goes some way toward unfolding a political analysis of the aesthetics of digital code, his articulation of noopolitics fails to provide us with a way to conduct ourselves digitally in an era of cognitive capitalism. I look to critical software practices and their provisional networked publics, with potential lines of flight for contemporary technoculture via novel digital `codings'.


1990 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geraint Parry ◽  
George Moyser

WHEREVER ONE TAKES A POSITION IN THE GREAT DEBATE between representative and participatory democrats it is clear that no democracy can function without the involvement of its citizens. What is at issue is the extent and nature of the citizen participation which is thought to be required if a democracy is to be worthy of its name. Whilst this is a fundamentally normative issue, the protagonists on both sides regularly cite evidence as to actual levels of participation and draw inferences from that evidence in support of their contentions.On the one side are those who assert that in Britain ‘some of the spectators have begun to descend on to the field’; on the other are those who say that ‘the “grass roots” of politics seem shrivelled and starved of the nourishment of participation by the citizens’. For this reason, as Jane Mansbridge has said, ‘field studies of what happens to various ideals when people try to live by them could prove useful in clarifying a wide range of normative questions.


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