Political Participation and Political Elites in Early Republican China: The Parliament of 1913–1914

1978 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
P'eng-Yüan Chang

The expansion of political participation is generally recognized as an essential aspect of modernization. China's twentieth-century experience certainly fits this model. Yet we are far from understanding the processes by which participation expanded in China—especially in the early twentieth century, when complex patterns of social change and institutional reform brought new groups to political awareness. Who comprised the newly participant strata in the first decades of this century? How large and powerful were they? How did their members participate? Who were their leaders?

2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 253-291
Author(s):  
HUAIYIN LI

AbstractWarlordism in early Republican China was more than political fragmentation and intensive warfare. It involved serious efforts and breakthroughs in state-making at the regional level. Warlords or regional forces that centralized and bureaucratized their fiscal and governing institutions would eventually outcompete those who did not. Geopolitical advantages and access to modern economic and financial resources added to their competitiveness. The Guangdong-based Guomindang force prevailed over all others precisely because of a combination of all these factors in its state-building efforts by 1928. Central to state-making in early twentieth-century China, therefore, was the rise of regional fiscal-military states and their rivals for national dominance. China joined some of the most prominent latecomers to nation states in other parts of the modern world in their shared bottom-up path of state-building.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 188-211
Author(s):  
Pum Za Mang

Through an analysis of some possible reasons for religious conversion among the ethnic Chin in the western frontier of modern-day Burma to Christianity from their old religion that historically shaped and impacted Chin society for centuries, this article argues that missionary agency, Chin religion, social change and political awakening after the Chin were finally exposed to the wider modern world appear to have played a critically crucial role in a long process of the choice of religious conversion among the Chin when Christian missionaries came to their country and evangelised them at the turn of the twentieth century. Moreover, their newly adopted religion has been not only a historical source of political awareness and social progress, but also a hallmark of their ethnic identity. Chin leaders now proudly maintain that Christianity has provided them with a cementing source for retaining their ethnic identity and that Chin identity and Christianity have become interwoven.


Modern China ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-34
Author(s):  
David C. Porter

This article examines the early Republican writings of a Daur man from Heilongjiang named Donjina who spent the second half of his life among the Sibe of Ili. It argues that Donjina developed a sense of pan-Manchu identity in dialogue with racial theories that came into vogue in late Qing and Republican China, but also drew on an older vision of Manchu identity tied to participation in the Qing imperial project. Donjina’s writings demonstrate the continued significance of the Manchu language on the Qing frontier into the twentieth century and challenge us to move beyond the physical spaces of the garrison communities of China proper in attempting to understand the development of Manchu identity. Donjina embraced the language of race, yet rejected the ideology of nationalism, offering an intriguing Manchu response to the rise of the Han Chinese nationalist movement and the founding of a Chinese nation-state.


Author(s):  
Vike Martina Plock

By looking at Jean Rhys’s ‘Left Bank’ fiction (Quartet, After Leaving Mr Mackenzie, Good Morning, Midnight, ‘Illusion’, ‘Mannequin’), this chapter investigates how new operational procedures such as Fordism and Taylorism, which were introduced into the French couture industry at the beginning of the twentieth century, affected constructions of modern femininity. Increasingly standardized images of feminine types were produced by Paris couturiers while the new look of the Flapper seemingly advertised women’s expanding social, political and professional mobility. Rhys, this chapter argues, noted fashion’s ability to provide resources for creative image construction but she simultaneously expressed criticism of its tendency to standardize female costumes and behaviour. Ultimately, Rhys demonstrates in her fiction that the radically modern couture of the early twentieth century was by no means the maker of social change and women’s political modernity. To offset the increased standardization of female images that she witnessed around her, Rhys created heroines and texts that relied on an overt display on difference.  


MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


Author(s):  
Susan E. Whyman

The introduction shows the convergence and intertwining of the Industrial Revolution and the provincial Enlightenment. At the centre of this industrial universe lay Birmingham; and at its centre was Hutton. England’s second city is described in the mid-eighteenth century, and Hutton is used as a lens to explore the book’s themes: the importance of a literate society shared by non-elites; the social category of ‘rough diamonds’; how individuals responded to economic change; political participation in industrial towns; shifts in the modes of authorship; and an analysis of social change. The strategy of using microhistory, biography, and the history of the book is discussed, and exciting new sources are introduced. The discovery that self-education allowed unschooled people to participate in literate society renders visible people who were assumed to be illiterate. This suggests that eighteenth-century literacy was greater than statistics based on formal schooling indicate.


Author(s):  
Russell J. Dalton

Affluent democracies have experienced tremendous socio-economic changes since the mid- twentieth century, which has reshaped public opinion, party programs, and electoral choices. This chapter first summarizes the societal changes that have been a driving force behind the political changes described in this study. One pattern involves the longstanding economic issues of contemporary democracies, and shifting social positions on these issues. In addition, an evolving cultural cleavage and its ties to broader attitudes toward social change have altered citizen policy preferences. In most affluent democracies, the parties’ responses to these changing citizen demands have produced a realignment to represent both economic and cultural positions. The chapter concludes by discussing the implications of the findings for the working of electoral systems and the democratic process more broadly.


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 879-893 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sirianne Dahlum ◽  
Tore Wig

Abstract We investigate whether female political empowerment is conducive to civil peace, drawing on global data on female political empowerment over a 200-year period, from the Varieties of Democracy database. We augment previous research by expanding the temporal scope, looking at a novel inventory of female political empowerment measures, attending to reverse-causality and omitted variable issues, and separating between relevant causal mechanisms. We find a strong link between female political empowerment and civil peace, which is particularly pronounced in the twentieth century. We find evidence that this relationship is driven both by women’s political participation—particularly the bottom-up political participation of women, e.g., in civil society—and the culture that conduces it. This is the strongest evidence to date that there is a robust link between female political empowerment and civil peace, stemming from both institutional and cultural mechanisms.


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