Voices of the People: Democracy and Chartist Political Identity 1830-1870

2008 ◽  
pp. 280
Author(s):  
Alex Tyrrell ◽  
Robert G. Hall
Author(s):  
Seth Bernstein

During the Great Terror, youth faced suspicion not only for their connections with supposed enemies of the people but because of alleged acts of degeneracy like drinking. Thousands of young people found themselves accused of hooliganism, a malleable crime that encompassed various forms of social disorder. In the Komsomol, the arrest of youth leaders as Trotskyist degenerates impressed upon young communists that their social behavior was part of their political identity. The older cohort of Komsomol members, the pererostki, also fell under suspicion for subscribing to the old norms of youth activism. Among youth, the Great Terror became a moral panic that aimed to shape young people’s behaviour.


Author(s):  
Paddy Hoey

Sinn Féin’s far reaching commitment to activist materials since the late 1960s included a devotion to the newspapers An Phoblacht/ Republican News. It was almost quixotically committed to producing AP/ RN and the paper became a far-reaching organ of political identity. During the Hunger Strikes of 1980/ 81 it was the authentic voice of those on the protests. Later, during the reforms of Peace Process era it articulated the changes in policy. However, Sinn Féin activists were keen to develop a mainstream vehicle for the newly dominant and optimistic strand of republicanism, one that might compete against the media outlets that had been overtly critical and hostile towards the party dating back to the beginning of the Troubles. The Belfast Media Group whose primary paper, the Andersonstown News, became associated with articulating Sinn Féin’s position throughout the 1990s and 2000s launched the republican daily newspaper Daily Ireland in 2005 in competition with the Irish News, the paper that has traditionally captured sales among the nationalist population of Northern Ireland. It was an experiment in assessing how far the shifts in the cultural and political tectonic plates of nationalism played into the media consumption habits of the people.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-63
Author(s):  
Savitri Gadavanij

This article investigates the performance of identity and the concept of a ‘good’ leader reflected in the discourse of the former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, a controversial yet significant politician in Thai contemporary politics. The analysis focuses on how Thaksin constructed his political self, and how it redefined the Thai political field and the relevant practices. The article traces the discursive construction of his political identity in the radio program PM Thaksin talks to the people aired in 2001–2005. The findings indicate that Thaksin’s discourse constructed an ambivalent political identity through heterogeneity and dynamic use of ‘we’. Various mechanism of legitimization secured his popularity and created a lasting bond with the people. The discussion argues that while the discourse projecting a leadership style that is both confident and defiant strengthened the bond between Thaksin and his supporters, it increasingly pushed the ‘others’ away, leading to a growing ideological gap and later an adversarial sense among Thais, a fracture that still dominates the contemporary Thai political and social landscape.


POLITEA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Nevy Rusmarina Dewi ◽  
Mufarikhin Mufarikhin ◽  
Dinda Alfiatur Rohmaniah

<p class="07KatakunciKeywords"><span class="06IsiAbstrakChar"><span lang="EN-GB">Democracy in Indonesia has developed rapidly after the reformation, this is evidenced by the improvement in the implementation of the democratic party event. The 2019 election is an election held simultaneously between legislative elections and the presidential election. Each party and party coalition presidential election support hand in hand to try to win the hearts of the people. Community participation is very important for the determination of the votes of both the legislature and the president. Each stakeholder seeks to influence the community by using mobilization efforts. Many of the mobilization strategies in this election were carried out by many parties. This study examines the strategy of political mobilization used in gaining votes in 2019 elections in Indonesia. Qualitative research methods are used to obtain results from research. The results of the study indicate that the strategy of political mobilization in the 2019 Election uses four strategies, namely: political identity, communication media, money politics, and the use of public figures. This strategy is very effective in influencing the masses in Indonesia. This is evidenced by the polarization between the two supporting camps, and the use of communication media, especially social media in the dissemination of information</span></span><span lang="EN-GB">.</span></p>


Society ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 372-389
Author(s):  
Kustiawan Kustiawan ◽  
Rumzi Samin

This research aims to examine primordialism and voting behavior of Malay ethnic during the 2005-2015 Riau Islands governor election (Pemilihan Gubernur or Pilgub). The political phenomenon in Riau Islands seems to be different from other areas where other Malays dominate since non-Malay ethnic candidates won the governor election. This research used a qualitative method with a descriptive technique. The data were collected using in-depth interviews and direct observation. Informants were selected using a purposive sampling technique. The result found that people of Malay ethnic are open-minded. The candidates elected also can prove qualified personal and successfully leading the Malay ethnic people in moving ahead. Non-Malay ethnic won the Riau Islands (known as Kepri (Kepulauan Riau)) governor election determined by 1) The political identity of Malay ethnic people is open-minded, coexisting Islamic identity, speaking Malay language, practicing Malay culture, and committing to build and develop Malay ethnic people, so the candidates identified as part of Malay ethnic people and considered by the Malay ethnic people as a candidate for leader of the Malay people in a broadening sense; 2) the figure of candidates can socialize with people of Malay ethnic; 3) other minority ethnics and political parties supported the candidates. Native Malay candidates were failed due to the lack of contribution to the people of Malay ethnic in particular and the Riau Islands in general.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (22) ◽  
pp. 238-252
Author(s):  
Adil Arifin ◽  
Fajar Utama Ritonga

The purpose of this study is to measure how much is influence political identity has on the tolerance of the people of Pematangsiantar City in the Governor Election of Sumatera Utara Province of 2018. The research method uses a quantitative approach with a correlation approach, the population in this study is Pematangsiantar City who is registered in the 2018 Daftar Pemilih Tetap (DPT), the research sample uses a 5% margin so that a sample of 399 people was obtained. The sampling technique used a proportional multistage random sampling spread over the research locations, namely 8 districts and 53 sub-districts in Pematangsiantar City. The data collection technique uses a research questionnaire that has been tested for its validity and reliability. data analysis technique using Rank Spearman. The results show the correlation between the political identity variable and the tolerance of peoples in Pematangsiantar City in the 2018 Sumatra Utara governor election is (-0.120) which means very weak, negative, significant, and a two-way significance value or sig (2-tailed) of 0.017 because the number of significance is 0.017<0.05. This illustrates that political identity has a weak influence on the tolerance of the Pematangsiantar City community in social life, if political identity is high, then the social tolerance of the community will be low (intolerance still occurs in differences in choice due to politics of identity/ethnicity, religion, and regional origin), however, if identity politics is low in the 2018 Sumatera Utara governor election, then social tolerance will be high. In conclusion, the people of Pematangsiantar City, which is known as “Tolerant City”, cannot be separated from the influence of political identity in the 2018 Sumatra Utara Governor Election.


Author(s):  
Thomas P. Crocker

Using emergency as a cause for action ultimately leads to an almost unnoticed evolution in the political understanding of presidential powers. The Constitution of the United States, however, was designed to function under “states of exception,” most notably through the separation of powers, and provides ample internal checks on emergency actions taken under claims of necessity. This book urges the United States Congress, the courts, and other bodies to put those checks into practice. The book analyzes the constitutional norms that fail to guide and constrain the choice of action through an analysis of what is appropriate. It explores how constitutional norms always apply as unavoidably normative constitutional questions during an emergency. It explains how necessity can produce dictatorship, because the people are willing to allow whatever it takes to solve their immediate needs, and it looks into the theory that a president might suspend the constitutional order in order to post hoc political accountability. It then talks about necessity that enables presidential discretion, and responds to arguments regarding the president having all the power that necessity confers. The book considers the scope of implied presidential power, arguing that even if there is power to do what is necessary, it is still constrained by conceptions of what is proper. It emphasizes how deference to the president is inconsistent with a constitutional tradition that preciously guards decisions about liberty. The book concludes with a review of the commitment to constitutional values as a constitutive feature of political identity in American constitutionalism.


ICL Journal ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-181
Author(s):  
Adeno Addis

Abstract Most constitutions start with a preamble. A constitutional preamble is a text designed to introduce the rest of the constitution. Often, it is also meant to give a concise statement of the nature of the system that the constitution establishes. While they may differ in style and length, most preambles seem to perform two primary functions. First, they declare or identify the source of authority for the document. In most preambles, it is ‘we the people’ that is invoked as the legitimate source of authority. Second, most preambles engage in an explicit attempt to project an identity for ‘we the people.’ At times, the people is defined through an extended historical biography. At other times, it is the presumed common ethnic origin or religious membership that is said to establish the bond, whether the people is territorially bound or not. Still at other times, it is the existence of common political and moral principles that is thought to make up the core constitutive elements of who the people are. Whatever the strategy, preambles attempt to imagine a usable political identity for the people, its collective agency. ‘The people’ are viewed with sufficient agency capable of ‘ordaining’ or ‘granting’ the constitutional document to themselves. Of course, in many cases ‘we the people’ are the very creation of the document itself. Under this account, the ‘people’ are simultaneously the author and product of the constitution. In this sense, preambles are performative in nature: they constitute the people as they at the same time declare that the people are their authors. Through a close study of the constitutional preambles of all countries currently in existence, this article explores how preambles narrate a politically serviceable identity for ‘the people’. Whatever else they are meant to do, preambles are narratives of peoplehood. The formal legal status of preambles might be uncertain, but what is not in doubt and what has largely been neglected is the fact that preambles are also means through which a people attempts to imagine and solidify its identity. As Benedict Anderson long ago explained, an imagined identity is neither true nor false—it simply is. This article explores the processes by which this imagining takes place and the purposes for which it is adopted.


Religions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (8) ◽  
pp. 475
Author(s):  
Daniela Berti

This paper proposes a survey of the many ways in which people look at and deal with animals in contemporary India. On the basis of ethnographic research and of multiple written sources (judgments, newspapers, websites, legal files, activist pamphlets, etc.), I present some of the actors involved in the animal debate—animal activists, environmental lawyers, judges, and hunter-conservationists—who adopt different, though sometimes interconnected, approaches to animals. Some of them look at animals as victims that need to be rescued and treated in the field, others fight for animals in Parliament or in Court so that they can be entitled to certain rights, others are concerned with the issue of species survival, where the interest of the group prevails on the protection of individual animals. In the context of a predominantly secularist background of the people engaged in such debates, I also examine the role that religion may, in certain cases, play for some of them: whether as a way of constructing a Hindu or Buddhist cultural or political identity, or as a strategic argument in a legal battle in order to obtain public attention. Lastly, I raise the question of the role played by animals themselves in these different situations—as intellectual principles to be fought for (or to be voiced) in their absence, or as real individuals to interact with and whose encounter may produce different kinds of sometimes conflicting emotions.


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