The Prince of Wales's Children Act, 1889

1973 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 326-354
Author(s):  
Benjamin Sacks
Keyword(s):  
Legal Obligation ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Royal Family ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Select Committee ◽  
Social Reforms ◽  
Lump Sum ◽  
Queen Victoria ◽  
Social Events ◽  
Court Life

Nothing was more abrasive to the popularity of the British monarchy than the civil list during the reign of Queen Victoria. The repeated requests to parliament for annuities and dowries for her children brought accusations against the sovereign of evading the responsibility to take care of her own family. The chief critics were the Radical M.P.s, a sort of left wing in the Liberal party. A few were theoretical republicans but tempered their views by an acknowledgement that the constitutional monarchy was in reality a veiled republic capable of yielding the most advanced political and social reforms. Their twin interests would seem to have been 1) to complete the Gladstonian principle of fiscal economy by its extension to the royal family and 2) to make court life a model of simplicity in harmony with the nineteenth-century goal of human dignity.What brought the matter to a climax was the prospective requests in the eighteen-eighties for the children of the Prince of Wales. As the Radical M.P.s saw the issue, parliament was about to be asked to take care of the Queen's grandchildren numbering more than a score. What seemed imperative was the appointment of a select committee to determine both the extent of the legal obligation of parliament and the ability of Queen Victoria to find the money from her available funds. Sir Charles Dilke, Chelsea, whose outbursts against civil list expenditures had aroused the anger of the Queen in 1871-72, had been suggesting such a body. But he agreed that the children of the Prince of Wales (whom he met frequently at social events) merited grants as they were in the line of succession but not those of the Queen's younger sons and daughters. Dilke was more specific on May 27, 1883 (or as Lee states May 7), when he dined at Marlborough House. The Prince of Wales raised anew the needs of his children. Dilke assured him of support and favored a lump sum to be distributed by the Prince of Wales rather than piecemeal legislation as had been the case with the Queen's own children.

scholarly journals Electing to Do Women's Work? Gendered Divisions of Labor in U.K. Select Committees, 1979–2016

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
Mark Goodwin ◽  
Stephen Holden Bates ◽  
Stephen McKay
Keyword(s):  
Time Series Data ◽  
Series Data ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Select Committee ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Parliamentary Committee ◽  
Original Time ◽  
The Impact

Abstract Where female representatives are located within legislatures and what they do matters for the substantive representation of women. Previous scholarship has found that female parliamentary committee members participate differently than their male counterparts in relation to both policy area and status of positions held. Here, we draw on an original time-series data set (n = 9,767) to analyze the U.K. select committee system. We test for the impact of four variables previously found to be important in explaining changes in gendered divisions of labor: the system of appointment/election, the proportion of female representatives in the legislature, sharp increases in the number of female representatives, and changes in government from right-wing parties to left-wing parties. We find that horizontal and vertical divisions of labor persist over time and that membership patterns in the United Kingdom mainly correspond to those found elsewhere. Moreover, there is little evidence that any of the four variables have systematically affected membership patterns.

VII. The Impact of Financial Policy on English Party Politics before 1914

1972 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. V. Emy
Keyword(s):  
Financial Policy ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Critical Research ◽  
Social Reforms ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Negative State ◽  
The Social ◽  
Administrative Development ◽  
The Impact

Critical research into the motivation and content of Liberal social policies before 1914 has qualified much of the credit the party's accomplishments originally received. Yet such qualifications may go too far and in the struggle to do justice to all the facts, historical accuracy may suffer both from tendencies to look for dominant motifs or patterns, and from the temptation to emphasize the ‘real’ empirical nature of politics, so losing sight of all purposes and patterns – especially value-patterns. For example, the emphasis upon nineteenth century administrative development may certainly correct the previously overdrawn distinction between, firstly, individualism and the negative state, and secondly, collectivism and the positive state, but if such emphasis is carried too far it may appear that the social reforms passed after 1906 were no more than the logical continuation of a legislative trend already well-established. It may appear through the simple cataloguing of administrative growth, in conjunction with the attention focused on the rise of the Labour movement and the ensuing attempt to place both in a long-term historical perspective, that the Liberal party was largely the passive instrument of movements and ideas which passed around and about the party, rather than through and within it; and, this being so, that interpretations such as those of Laski, dating the emergence of ‘fundamental’ party divisions from post-1914, may be too easily accepted.

scholarly journals Haemophilia amongst the descendants of Queen Victoria.

2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Francois P. Retief ◽  
André Wessels ◽  
Johan F.G. Cilliers
Keyword(s):  
Clinical Picture ◽  
Historical Review ◽  
Therapeutic Interventions ◽  
Molecular Defect ◽  
Royal Family ◽  
Queen Victoria ◽  
The Impact

This study discusses the impact of ‘Victorian haemophilia’ on the royal houses of Europe during the 19th and 20th centuries. Haemophilia as a molecular defect is explained and the clinical picture of the condition is indicated. Applicable therapeutic interventions also receive attention. Next, an historical review is provided of how ‘Victorian haemophilia’ spread from Queen Victoria (British monarch, 1837–1901) via some of her daughters to other members of the British royal family and also to the royal houses of Germany, Russia and Spain. Eleven confirmed cases of haemophilia amongst the descendants of Queen Victoria are mentioned, as well as three other possible cases. The effect of haemophilia on the course of history is also investigated.

Ideology and Unstable Party Identification in Canada: Limited Rationality in a Brokerage Party System

1987 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 813-850 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Michael Stevenson
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Lower Class ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Class Identification ◽  
Canada Limited

AbstractThis article examines changes in individuals' identification with Canadian federal political parties in the period 1977 to 1981. The analysis suggests that differences in class and ideology have a significant, if not very large effect on shifts in partisan identity. There was a slight bias toward more upper-class identification with the Progressive Conservative party and more lower-class identification with the Liberal party. Unstable partisans were at least as ideologically constrained as stable partisans, and partisan instability was more pronounced amongst the more left-wing individuals. Changes in partisanship were more likely among younger respondents, particularly lower-class and more left-wing youth. The largest bloc of unstable partisans was closest ideologically to the more left-wing stable New Democratic party partisans, and shifted only between the New Democratic and Liberal parties. A smaller bloc moved to the Progressive Conservative party and was ideologically closest to its more right-wing stable partisans.

T. H. Green and His Audience: Liberalism as a Surrogate Faith

1956 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 444-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melvin Richter
Keyword(s):  
School System ◽  
Middle Age ◽  
Young Men ◽  
Political Obligation ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Settlement Houses ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Philosophical School ◽  
Practical Program

Between 1880 and 1914 no other thinker exerted a greater influence upon British thought and public policy than did T. H. Green. Bryce and Asquith have testified that Green's Liberal version of Idealism superseded Utilitarianism as the most prominent philosophical school in Great Britain. And what was more startling, he and his followers proceeded to bring to life the heavy abstractions of the Principles of Political Obligation. For Green converted Idealism, which in Germany had so often served as a rationale of conservatism, into a practical program for the left wing of the Liberal Party. From aristocratic Oxford which Matthew Arnold could still describe as “whispering from her towers the last enchantments of the Middle Age,” there came a stream of serious young men dedicated to reform in politics, social work, and the civil service, men who would spend their lives in improving the school system, establishing settlement houses, reorganizing charity and the Poor Law, and originating adult education. Green's teaching had an extraordinary effect upon some of the best young men of this generation. A rich literature of memoir and autobiography attests to the great mark he left on the minds and lives of his generation.

scholarly journals Political Connectedness and Firm Performance: Evidence from Germany

2010 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 441-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Niessen ◽  
Stefan Ruenzi
Keyword(s):  
Stock Market ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Accounting Performance ◽  
Income Sources ◽  
Stock Market Performance ◽  
German Parliament ◽  
Market Valuations

Abstract This paper investigates politically connected firms in Germany. With the introduction of a new transparency law in 2007, information on additional income sources for all members of the German parliament became publicly available. We find that members of the conservative party (CDU/CSU) and the liberal party (FDP) are more likely to work for firms than members of left-wing parties (SPD and The Left) or the green party (Alliance 90/The Greens). Politically connected firms are larger, less risky and have lower market valuations than unconnected firms. They also have fewer growth opportunities, but slightly better accounting performance. On the stock market, connected firms significantly outperformed unconnected firms in 2006, i.e. before the publication of the data on political connections. Differences in stock market performance were much smaller in 2007.

Dutch election could be two-party race

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Issues ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Eu

Significance Months of negotiations between the government, parliament and EU member states on the Netherlands’ approval of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement -- which Dutch voters rejected in a referendum last April -- damaged the electoral prospects of Rutte's Liberal Party (VVD). However, he reached a provisional deal in December. His success in temporarily parking this contentious issue comes amid the unfolding of a two-party race between the VVD and the PVV in the final weeks before the elections on March 15. Impacts If the VVD stays in power for another term, a referendum on EU membership is highly unlikely. The VVD’s tougher stance on immigration and integration could attract right-wing voters and make it a more tempered alternative to the PVV. The Labour Party may shift its focus from economic to social issues to differentiate itself from the VVD and attract left-wing voters.

Oppositional Politics in Ceylon (1947–1968)

1969 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Jeyaratnam Wilson
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Financial Resources ◽  
National Party ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Social Reforms ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Village

INTER-PARTY RIVALRY BASED LARGELY ON SOCIO-ECONOMIC LINES took institutional shape in Ceylon, for the first time, with the approach of general elections in August–September 1947, under the newly inaugurated Soulbury Constitution. The issues at the general election of 1947 were simple and straightforward. It was accepted that the United National Party (UNP) would form the government with its leader, D. S. Senanayake, as the man who would lead the country to independence. The party had the backing of almost the entire press. It enjoyed ample financial resources and commanded the support of the ‘big families’, the landed interests, the mudalalis (shop-owners), and government officials, particularly the village headmean. The choice posed to the electors was between a policy of progressive social reforms and stable government advocated by the UNP as against the revolutionary changes that the three left wing parties envisaged – the Trotskyist Lank Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and its splinter, the Bolshevik Leninist Party which later changed its name to the Bolshevik Samasamaja Party (BSP), and the Moscoworiented Communist Party (CP). These left-wing groups were ideologically in conflict with each other.

scholarly journals Hilaire Belloc: Del Estado del bienestar al Estado servil

2016 ◽  
pp. 15-39
Author(s):  
Alfonso Díaz Vera Vera
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Social Reforms ◽  
Jel Codes ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Rerum Novarum ◽  
Modern Welfare State ◽  
The Great War

Hilaire Belloc (1870-1953) criticized the social legislation passed by the British Liberal Party before the Great War, which represented the emer-gence of the modern Welfare State. His criticism was based on the ideas of a school of thought called distributism. Based upon the principles of Catholic Social Teaching, especially the encyclical Rerum novarum. This Thomist rooted school of thought praised that the means of production should be spread as widely as possible. Belloc believed that attempts of social reform by state inter-vention, dissociated from fundamental principles, would lead to results oppo-site to those initially intended. Social reforms aimed to improve the status of workers could lead, by the needs of their sustainability, to an economy in which certain people would be forced by regulation to work for others or for the state, who likewise would have to take care of them. Belloc coined the concept “Ser-vile State” for this kind of society. Keywords: Hilaire Belloc; Welfare State; Servile State; collectivism JEL codes: B14, B15, B25 Resumen: Hilaire Belloc (1870-1953) criticó la legislación social del Partido Li-beral en la Inglaterra de los años anteriores a la Primera Guerra Mundial, considerada precedente del Estado del Bienestar. Su crítica se basó en una lí-nea de pensamiento conocida como distributismo, que, fundamentándose en una filosofía de raíz tomista y tomando como punto de partida la encíclica Rerum Novarum, defendía la distribución más amplia posible de la propiedad de los medios de producción. Para Belloc los intentos de reformar la sociedad mediante la intervención estatal, disociados de principios fundamentales y en-raizados en una filosofía errónea, no consiguen sino acrecentar los problemas que tratan de resolver. De este modo, el reformador que emplea sus herramien-tas de planificación en aras de la mejora social acaba promoviendo la impo-sición de diversas formas de trabajo obligatorio, características del tipo de relaciones sociales que Belloc definió como Estado Servil. Palabras clave: Hilaire Belloc; Estado del Bienestar; Estado Servil; colectivismo. Clasificación JEL: B14, B15, B25

“How Does Heaven Come to Speak?”

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mihwa Choi
Keyword(s):  
Legal Obligation ◽  
Royal Family ◽  
Opposing Faction

After the death of emperor Zhenzong, scholar-officials challenged the legitimacy of the Heavenly Text and the cult of the Sacred Ancestor. They argued that because there was no way that Heaven could speak through the proposed revealed text, the Heavenly Text was fabricated. A consensus was reached between Emperor Renzong and officials that Confucian canonical rituals would be the sole orthopraxis of imperial rituals, and the cult of the Sacred Ancestor would be reduced to a private ritual of the royal family. Later, those who advocated increasing the power of the bureaucracy at the expense of the monarch took the lead in deploying the ancient ritual laws as a means to compel compliance by the emperor and also to attack officials of the opposing faction. As “three-year mourning” became a legal obligation for all civil officers, many politically charged allegations were made, which in turn further stimulated the study of the canonical rituals.

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