scholarly journals Hilaire Belloc: Del Estado del bienestar al Estado servil

2016 ◽  
pp. 15-39
Author(s):  
Alfonso Díaz Vera Vera

Hilaire Belloc (1870-1953) criticized the social legislation passed by the British Liberal Party before the Great War, which represented the emer-gence of the modern Welfare State. His criticism was based on the ideas of a school of thought called distributism. Based upon the principles of Catholic Social Teaching, especially the encyclical Rerum novarum. This Thomist rooted school of thought praised that the means of production should be spread as widely as possible. Belloc believed that attempts of social reform by state inter-vention, dissociated from fundamental principles, would lead to results oppo-site to those initially intended. Social reforms aimed to improve the status of workers could lead, by the needs of their sustainability, to an economy in which certain people would be forced by regulation to work for others or for the state, who likewise would have to take care of them. Belloc coined the concept “Ser-vile State” for this kind of society. Keywords: Hilaire Belloc; Welfare State; Servile State; collectivism JEL codes: B14, B15, B25 Resumen: Hilaire Belloc (1870-1953) criticó la legislación social del Partido Li-beral en la Inglaterra de los años anteriores a la Primera Guerra Mundial, considerada precedente del Estado del Bienestar. Su crítica se basó en una lí-nea de pensamiento conocida como distributismo, que, fundamentándose en una filosofía de raíz tomista y tomando como punto de partida la encíclica Rerum Novarum, defendía la distribución más amplia posible de la propiedad de los medios de producción. Para Belloc los intentos de reformar la sociedad mediante la intervención estatal, disociados de principios fundamentales y en-raizados en una filosofía errónea, no consiguen sino acrecentar los problemas que tratan de resolver. De este modo, el reformador que emplea sus herramien-tas de planificación en aras de la mejora social acaba promoviendo la impo-sición de diversas formas de trabajo obligatorio, características del tipo de relaciones sociales que Belloc definió como Estado Servil. Palabras clave: Hilaire Belloc; Estado del Bienestar; Estado Servil; colectivismo. Clasificación JEL: B14, B15, B25

2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingo Bode

AbstractWithin the infrastructure of the modern welfare state, networking and collaboration across organizational and professional boundaries are far and wide considered as being deficient. At the same time, many experts refer to them as a silver bullet for overcoming institutional fragmentation and recent movements towards exacerbated social disintegration, even as governments tend to enforce collaboration formally. Using the example of child protection in Germany, this article draws on a mix of theories of government technologies in order to elucidate reasons for problems with actual collaborative arrangements in the social welfare sector, suggesting that, due to certain bottom-up dynamics, enforced networking in this sector is unlikely to be achieved by the policies under study. The analysis is based on evidence from case studies in five local settings, illustrating how major professional groups and organizations are dealing with evolving regulation and related challenges.


1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Baldwin

If a question can be mal posée, surely an interpretation can be mal étendue. This has been the fate of the social interpretation of the welfare state. The cousin of social theories of bourgeois revolution, the social interpretation of the welfare state is part of a broader conception of the course of modern European history that until recently has laid claim to the status of a standard. The social interpretation sees the welfare states of certain countries as a victory for the working class and confirmation of the ability of its political representatives on the Left to use universalist, egalitarian, solidaristic measures of social policy on behalf of the least advantaged. Because the poor and the working class were groups that overlapped during the initial development of the welfare state, social policy was linked with the worker's needs. Faced with the ever-present probability of immiseration, the proletariat championed the cause of all needy and developed more pronounced sentiments of solidarity than other classes. Where it achieved sufficient power, the privileged classes were forced to consent to measures that apportioned the cost of risks among all, helping those buffeted by fate and social injustice at the expense of those docked in safe berths.


1972 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. V. Emy

Critical research into the motivation and content of Liberal social policies before 1914 has qualified much of the credit the party's accomplishments originally received. Yet such qualifications may go too far and in the struggle to do justice to all the facts, historical accuracy may suffer both from tendencies to look for dominant motifs or patterns, and from the temptation to emphasize the ‘real’ empirical nature of politics, so losing sight of all purposes and patterns – especially value-patterns. For example, the emphasis upon nineteenth century administrative development may certainly correct the previously overdrawn distinction between, firstly, individualism and the negative state, and secondly, collectivism and the positive state, but if such emphasis is carried too far it may appear that the social reforms passed after 1906 were no more than the logical continuation of a legislative trend already well-established. It may appear through the simple cataloguing of administrative growth, in conjunction with the attention focused on the rise of the Labour movement and the ensuing attempt to place both in a long-term historical perspective, that the Liberal party was largely the passive instrument of movements and ideas which passed around and about the party, rather than through and within it; and, this being so, that interpretations such as those of Laski, dating the emergence of ‘fundamental’ party divisions from post-1914, may be too easily accepted.


Author(s):  
Vladimir L. Dyachkov

We propose the first attempt at scientific sociography of the Soviet partisan movement as the most complex phenomenon of the Great Patriotic War social history. At most historic study was possible, first of all, due to the formation of publicly accessible electronic databases with tens of millions of personal records with dozens of information parameters in each. The complex processing of coherent representative information of various electronic databases on long continuous lines allows you to “gather” a collective social portrait of Soviet partisans as a complex of formative signs and compare it with collective portraits of other groups of social activists 1941-1945. Among these features-traits: the general and particular time and place of birth of future activists of the great war period, their social origin and pre-war social status, gender and age structure, national composition, interwar migrations, the status in the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army and the nature of participation in the war. We pay special attention to the social and historical anthropology of activism during the great war. The work is abundantly provided with graphical results of the study.


1991 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theda Skocpol ◽  
Gretchen Ritter

Comparative research on the origins of modern welfare states typically asks why certain European nations, including Great Britain, enacted pensions and social insurance between the 1880s and the 1920s, while the United States “lagged behind,” that is did not establish such policies for the entire nation until the Social Security Act of 1935. To put the question this way overlooks the social policies that were distinctive to the early twentieth-century United States. During the period when major European nations, including Britain, were launching paternalist versions of the modern welfare state, the United States was tentatively experimenting with what might be called a maternalist welfare state. In Britain, male bureaucrats and party leaders designed policies “for the good” of male wage-workers and their dependents. Meanwhile, in the United States, early social policies were championed by elite and middle-class women “for the good” of less privileged women. Adult American women were helped as mothers, or as working women who deserved special protection because they were potential mothers.


2021 ◽  
pp. 143-195
Author(s):  
Sagar Hernández Chuliá

In this article we justify epistemologically the methods of social scien-ce based on certain contributions from the austrian school of economics (but not only). To do this, we start from the knowledge of agents in the world of everyday life, we differentiate between it and the scientific knowledge, we distinguish the fields of the physical and natural sciences and of human scien-ces, we argue that the social sciences should be considered as a specific form of human sciences and we define economics as a science of human action that takes place in the presence of significant monetary prices for agents. In addi-tion, we define the fields of economic theory, based on the conception method and operated through imaginary constructions, and economic history, which uses the understanding method and ideal types. Keywords: gnoseology, epistemology, methodology, social sciences, econo-mics. JEL Codes: B40 B41 B53 Resumen: En este artículo pretendemos fundamentar epistemológicamente los métodos propios de las ciencias sociales basándonos en ciertas aportaciones procedentes de la escuela austriaca de economía (aunque no sólo). Para ello, partimos del conocimiento de los agentes en el mundo de la vida cotidiana, diferenciamos entre éste y el conocimiento científico, distinguimos los campos de investigación propios de las ciencias físico-naturales y de las ciencias huma-nas, defendemos que las ciencias sociales deben ser consideradas como una forma específica de las ciencias humanas y definimos la economía como una ciencia que estudia la acción humana que se desarrolla en presencia de pre-cios monetarios significativos para los agentes. Además, delimitamos los cam-pos de la teoría económica, basada en el método de la concepción y que opera mediante construcciones imaginarias, e historia económica, que se vale del método de la comprensión y de los tipos ideales. Palabras clave: gnoseología, epistemología, metodología, ciencias sociales, economía. Clasificación JEL: B40 B41 B53


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-66
Author(s):  
Gunasekaran S

This essay is an attempt to write the social history of the Chakkiliyar community of South India, often classified in the colonial records as a caste occupying the lowest position in the caste hierarchy. This paper argues that the colonial period was marked by lowering opportunities for economic and social mobility for the community. Traditionally involved in the manufacture of leather goods that were central to irrigation, the Chakkiliyars had relatively better opportunities and some even occupied the status of petty landowners. But the advent of pumpsets and the mechanization of leather processing during the colonial period severely affected their economic opportunities. Adding to this, the colonial and missionary records, inflated with the prejudices of their upper caste informers, repeatedly portrayed their low social existence. Therefore, despite certain genuine motives and formidable social reforms, the colonial and missionary documentation of the caste in fact further strengthened the existing social stereotypes and thus added yet another layer into its history of discrimination. Besides recovering the various ways in which Chakkiliyars were described in the documents of colonial officials and Christian missionaries, this paper also analyzes the recent attempts by the members of the community to produce a counter narrative to the stereotypical representations of their caste.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (25) ◽  
pp. 14-23
Author(s):  
Ditte Tofteng ◽  
Mette Bladt

Tværprofessionelt samarbejde er tidens løsen på komplekse sociale problemstillinger. Den moderne velfærdsstats borgerindsatser synes at kræve et særligt samkoordineret arbejde mellem professioner. Men nogle gange ser det ud til, at det tværprofessionelle ender med at stå i vejen for en sagsgang og indsats, der er faglig meningsfuld og foregår rettidigt. Artiklen vil – med udgangspunkt i en case fra et længevarende aktionsforskningsforløb på en skole i Københavnsområdet – sætte fokus på, hvordan det tværprofessionelle samarbejde kan blive et benspænd for opgaveløsningen. Artiklen viser, at det tværprofessionelle nogen gange ender med at blive systemets svar på de af systemet skabte problemer.Inter-professional cooperation is often the solution for complex social problems. The social work of the modern welfare state seems to demand a specialized coordinated cooperation between professions. But sometimes it looks like, the inter-professional work end up being in the way of an administration and effort, which is timely and professional sound. Based on a long term action research project the article will, be focused on how the inter-professional work sometimes becomes a trip up for problem solving. The article shows that the inter-professional sometimes become the systems answer to problems created by the organizational structures of the system.


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