Political Culture, Political Attitudes, and Aggregated Demographic Effects:

Author(s):  
Janine A. Parry ◽  
William D. Schreckhise
2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 612-640
Author(s):  
Amir Abdul Reda

Abstract In this paper, the author explores how development affects public opinions on an Islamic Leviathan as an appropriate political system in the Middle East. He asks the following: In the MENA region (Middle East and North Africa), what influences political attitudes toward the Islamic Leviathan? To answer this question, he looks at the influence of seven independent variables on attitudes toward the Islamic Leviathan as a state system. The seven variables are (1) society’s overall development, (2) the socioeconomic class of respondents, (3) society’s corruption, (4) religiosity, (5) education, (6) gender, and (7) age. The author finds the observations needed to assess his theory in the Carnegie Middle East Governance and Islam Dataset 1988-2014 (CMEGID), which includes 15,194 relevant observations throughout the MENA region. His findings show that societies’ overall development has the most influence over Arab attitudes toward the Islamic Leviathan as an appropriate state system.


1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Kavanagh

ALL POLITICAL CULTURES ARE MIXED AND CHANGING. WHAT IS interesting in the English case, however, is the way in which a veritable army of scholars has seized on the deferential component. Other features in the overall cultural pattern have been neglected. This paper is devoted to an examination of the concept of deference as it is applied to English politics. In particular it will focus on the different meanings that the concept has assumed in the literature describing and analysing the popular political attitudes, and those aspects of the political system, including stability, which it has been used to explain. My concluding argument is that deference, as the concept is frequently applied to English political culture, has attained the status of a stereotype and that it is applied to such variegated and sometimes conflicting data that it has outlived its usefulness as a term in academic currency.


nauka.me ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Iuliia Smirnova

This article examines possible ways and means of forming a culture of public policy among citizens of a democratic state. The factors that have a direct impact on the formation and consolidation of political attitudes and political orientations in the consciousness of the individual were identified. The article provides a list of civic competencies that underlie the political culture of the population, a high level of which is necessary for the successful and sustainable functioning of a modern democratic political system. It is established that civic education is the main element of the education system, responsible for the formation of political attitudes and political orientations (corresponding to the environment), and hence the political culture of citizens.


2004 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-81
Author(s):  
Lyndon Megarrity

Queensland politics during the first decade after Federation is a subject which has received little attention from historians and political scientists. In general, they have shown a marked lack of enthusiasm for the era, preferring to rush on to the period after 1915 — the year in which Queensland Labor formed its first viable, long-term government. In this essay, I propose to show that the 1900s was in fact an important turning point in Queensland history. I will show how the almost exclusively developmental political culture of Queensland was successfully challenged by Liberal and Labor parliamentary forces when the Philp government (1899–1903) could not respond adequately to the problems of Federation and domestic recession. I shall also demonstrate that the tentative steps towards social intervention made by Queensland governments during 1903–15 reflected a significant change in political attitudes within a parliament which had traditionally concentrated on supporting capitalist-orientated development. The moderate electoral, industrial and education reforms offered during the 1900s paved the way for the more radical state interventions offered by subsequent Labor administrations between 1915 and 1957.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kris Dunn ◽  
Viktoria Spaiser ◽  
Harvey Dodds

Recent work by Dunn et al. (2017) proposes an integration of two normally disparate fields of research: political culture and individual-level authoritarianism. This proposal notes a remarkable similarly between Welzel’s (2013) concept of emancipative values and the values-oriented conceptualization of authoritarianism proposed by Feldman and Stenner (1997). Dunn at al. provide some rudimentary empirical evidence that authoritarianism can be productively integrated into Welzel’s “human empowerment sequence” but due to data limitations are unable to examine what they see as one of the most important benefits of this integration: the interaction between authoritarianism and threat in predicting emancipative attitudes. The sixth wave of the World Values Survey provides the previously unavailable data (a measure of perceived threat) and allows us to examine whether authoritarianism interacts with threat to affect the expression of social and political attitudes. Analysis of this data supports those expectations derived from the authoritarianism literature and provides further support for Dunn et al.’s proposal.


Author(s):  
Jonathan T. Hiskey ◽  
Mason W. Moseley

Against the backdrop of a world characterized by highly uneven democracies, in which subnational dominant-party enclaves persist within nationally democratic regimes, this book explores the ways in which these enclaves shape the political attitudes and behaviors of citizens who reside in them. Through analysis of a decade’s worth of survey data across the 55 provinces and states of Argentina and Mexico, this study finds a distinct subnational political culture among individuals nested in dominant-party enclaves. This culture is characterized by heightened exposure to corruption and vote buying, low levels of support for democratic principles, and patterns of political behavior that reflect the governing characteristics of the political machines that citizens must confront on a daily basis. In contrast, among those individuals living in subnational political systems that have successfully shut down the machine, the work finds a political culture more akin to that found in established democracies. As such, this book provides extensive support for the need to more fully incorporate subnational political dynamics into accounts of the drivers behind citizens’ political attitudes and behaviors, in an era in which democracies across the world appear increasingly at risk.


1979 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 1024-1038 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dale C. Nelson

Many studies undertaken in recent decades have documented the effects of socioeconomic status (SES) on political participation. As consensus has grown on the role of socioeconomic status, other factors, like ethnicity, have been relegated to secondary importance. However, variations in levels of participation can be traced, in part, to differences in ethnic political culture. Furthermore, the findings presented in this article indicate that holding socioeconomic status constant does not eliminate the independent impact of ethnicity on political attitudes that affect participation. Ethnicity is shown to have a greater effect than socioeconomic status on levels of participant political culture. How these findings might influence our understanding of social and political inequality is discussed, and students of participation are urged to give more serious attention to the ethnic factor.


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