scholarly journals Inter-Korean Relations: Factors and Prospects

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-175
Author(s):  
O. S. Pugacheva
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
South Korean ◽  
The North ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
Severe Deterioration ◽  
Political Settlement

The relations between South Korea and North Korea were improved in 2018 on the basis of the Sunshine policy ideational platform and the inter-Korean agreements reached between the two countries under the progressive administrations of Kim Dae-jung in 2000 and Roh Moohyun in 2007. However, inter-Korean relations had been at a lull since the US-North Korea summit in Hanoi in February 2019 despite the intentions of the parties to develop diverse forms of cooperation. After that, the month of June saw a severe deterioration in the Inter-Korean relations. The aim of this article is to analyze the inter-Korean relations and the North Korean policies of the South Korean governments from 1998 to 2020 as well as explain the reasons behind Seoul’s inability to make progress in dialogue with Pyongyang. South Korea’s prioritizing of its ties with the United States as well as its increased dependence on the United States were the main reason behind the stagnation of inter-Korean relations. Under the international regime of sanctions against the DPRK, Moon Jae-In has failed to put the Sunshine policy into practice, for instance, re-open Kaesong Industrial Complex and Mount Kumgang tourism zone. The fact that inter-Korean economic cooperation was actually still linked to the denuclearization of the DPRK also had a negative impact on the prospects for maintaining the positive dynamics of inter-Korean relations. The exacerbation of inter-Korean relations in June 2020 showed that in the absence of practical inter-Korean cooperation and with the continuing deadlock in the US-North Korean negotiations on the nuclear issue, Pyongyang is not interested in normalizing relations with Seoul and it can concentrate on relations with the United States. At the same time, the intensifying confrontation between China and the United States in the Asia-Pacific region is not conducive to a political settlement of the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue and it can potentially lead to an aggravation of inter-Korean relations.

scholarly journals Recasting ‘Nuclear-Free Korean Peninsula’ as a Sino-American Language for Co-ordination

2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-81
Author(s):  
TAKU TAMAKI
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Bilateral Relationship ◽  
The North ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
Constructivist Perspective

AbstractA series of Six-Party Talks involving the United States, China, Japan, South and North Korea, and Russia resulted in the emergence of a narrative of a ‘nuclear-free Korean Peninsula’. Given the prevalence of nuclear weapons amidst Sino-American rivalry, the area is hardly ‘nuclear-free’. Instead, the phrase has evolved into a common signifier for the US and China, suggesting that, despite their rivalries, the North Korean nuclear issue can be detrimental for both – a rare convergence of interests in an often sensitive bilateral relationship. This article provides a Constructivist perspective to this particular aspect of Sino-American balance of power by taking the language of ‘nuclear-free’ seriously, recasting the phrase as borne of both mutual scepticism, as well as convergent interests, over the Korean Peninsula.

The United States and the Iranian Nuclear Programme

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Hurst
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nixon Administration ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
The Relationship

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.

scholarly journals Quebec’s Economic and Commercial Linkages with the United States, 1994–2017

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Earl H. Fry
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The United States ◽  
The North ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Big Picture ◽  
The Impact

This article examines the ebb and flow of the Quebec government’s economic and commercial relations with the United States in the period 1994–2017. The topic demonstrates the impact of three major forces on Quebec’s economic and commercial ties with the US: (1) the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) which became operational in 1994 and was fully implemented over a 15-year period; (2) the onerous security policies put in place by the US government in the decade following the horrific events of 11 September 2001; and (3) changing economic circumstances in the United States ranging from robust growth to the worst recession since the Great Depression of the 1930s. The article also indicates that the Quebec government continues to sponsor a wide range of activities in the United States, often more elaborate and extensive than comparable activities pursued by many nation-states with representation in the US. 1 1 Stéphane Paquin, ‘Quebec-U.S. Relations: The Big Picture’, American Review of Canadian Studies 46, no. 2 (2016): 149–61.

scholarly journals THE GENESIS OF THE US FOREIGN POLICY: THE ORIGIN OF THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE TOPIC, 1610–1820S

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (73) (2) ◽  
pp. 81-93
Author(s):  
D. V. Dorofeev
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
North American ◽  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
The North ◽  
The Us

The research is devoted to the study of the origin of the historiography of the topic of the genesis of the US foreign policy. The key thesis of the work challenges the established position in the scientific literature about the fundamental role of the work of T. Lyman, Jr. «The diplomacy of the United States: being an account of the foreign relations of the country, from the first treaty with France, in 1778, to the Treaty of Ghent in 1814, with Great Britain», published in 1826. The article puts forward an alternative hypothesis: the emergence of the historiography of the genesis of the foreign policy of the United States occurred before the beginning of the second quarter of the XIX century – during the colonial period and the first fifty years of the North American state. A study of the works of thirty-five authors who worked during the 1610s and 1820s showed that amater historians expressed a common opinion about North America’s belonging to the Eurocentric system of international relations; they were sure that both the colonists and the founding fathers perceived international processes on the basis of raison d’être. The conceptualization of the intellectual heritage of non-professional historians allowed us to distinguish three interpretations of the origin of the United States foreign policy: «Autochthonous» – focused on purely North American reasons; «Atlantic» – postulated the borrowing of European practice of international relations by means of the system of relations that developed in the Atlantic in the XVII–XVIII centuries; «Imperial» – stated the adaptation of the British experience. The obtained data refute the provisions of scientific thought of the XX–XXI centuries and create new guidelines for further study of the topic.

STATE, TRENDS, AND STRUCTURE OF THE WORLD NANO-POWDER MARKET

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malyshev ◽  
Kushchevska ◽  
Bruskova
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Titanium Dioxide ◽  
Metal Oxide ◽  
Tin Oxide ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Market ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World

The purpose of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the global nanopowder market. Materials and methods. The study used such research methods as system-logical method, method of statistical generalization, comparative and factor analysis. Research results. It is known that nanopowders are obtained by chemical, physical, physico-chemical and mechanical methods. One of the major problems in the production of nanopowders is the tendency of nanoparticles to form aggregates and agglomerates that complicate the production of compact materials. To overcome the forces of agglomeration, a mechanical force or an increase in the sintering temperature must be applied. According to estimates from the consulting company Lux Research, in 2012, the nanotechnology market was $ 190.3 billion. Its annual growth is 15-17%. The world market leaders are the United States ($ 59 billion), Europe ($ 47 billion) and the Asia Pacific region ($ 9.4 billion). The US is the leader in both the commercial market and the number of publications (about 25,000 in 2015) and patents in nanotechnology (45% of patents). Following the results of 2015, more than $1.4 trillion worth of nanotechnology products were manufactured. In the structure of production of nanoproducts the chemical industry, scientific researches (intermediary products, as a rule, not serial) and electronics are leading. Global investments in nanotechnology in 2015 totaled $ 18.1 billion. This indicator increased by 18% compared to 2013. Corporate investments ($ 8.6 billion) became the main source of financing (public - only $ 8.3 billion). The leaders in terms of public investment are the US and the EU. Experts estimate that, by 2020, investment leadership may shift to Japan. Today, the leader in the nanomaterials market is the United States with a projected revenue level of 2018 of $ 1.46 billion. The main products on the world market for nanopowders are metal oxide powders. In the product group of metal oxides 4/5 the production volume accounts for the three most common types of raw materials: silica (SiO2), titanium dioxide (TiO2) and alumina (Al2O3). At the same time, silica occupies more than half of all production, alumina - 18% and titanium dioxide - 10%. The most available oxides are oxides of iron, zinc, cerium, zirconium, cuprum, magnesium, yttrium. The most complex oxides and mixtures are: tin oxide, barium titanate, cobalt carbide, silicon nitride and indium tin oxide. An analysis of the patents presented for nanopowder research has shown that the most promising area of ​​scientific development is aluminum and precious metal nanopowders. Conclusions. Analysis of the world nanopowder market makes it possible to identify the following indicators that characterize its development: the common problem in the nanomaterials market is high cost of production, low volume of production and accessibility for the end consumer; the most developed nanopowder markets: USA, Europe and Asia-Pacific; projected growth rates during 2015-2020 The three largest components of the nanomaterials market: energy, production of catalysts, structural materials - 60%, 13% and 30% respectively; production of metal oxide products prevails in the world market of nanopowders; the most common types of raw materials: silica) - more than half of all production, titanium dioxide - 10% and alumina - 18%.

China’s Relations with the United States

2020 ◽  
pp. 211-232
Author(s):  
Robert Sutter
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
General Pattern ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Us Government

This chapter reviews Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and People’s Republic of China (PRC) interactions with the United States since the 1940s, and it reveals a general pattern of the United States at the very top of China’s foreign priorities. Among those few instances where China seemed to give less attention to the United States was the post-2010 period, which saw an ever more powerful China advancing at US expense. However, China’s rapid advance in economic, military, and diplomatic power has progressively alarmed the US government, which now sees China as its main international danger. Looking forward into the future, deteriorating US-China relations have enormous consequences for both countries, the Asia-Pacific region, and the world.

scholarly journals Obama and Transformation Strategy from the Middle East to the Asia – Pacific Region

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Mohamed Kamal ◽  
Khalid Hashim Mohammed
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
East Region ◽  
The Us ◽  
New Strategy ◽  
Middle East Region

The Middle East region is no longer enjoys the relative importance for the United States. This was due to the massive discoveries of Shale oil in the United States. Many analysts believe that such discovery led to the decline of the US interest in the Middle East and shifting the orientation towards Asia because of the growing importance of the Southeast Asia in the global economy. The United States, in return, has re-defined the role and the size of involvement in the Middle East by adopting a new strategy based on reducing economic and military consequences resulting from the direct investment in the region, which is rejected by US public opinion.

scholarly journals The prevalence of MS in the United States

Neurology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 92 (10) ◽  
pp. e1029-e1040 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mitchell T. Wallin ◽  
William J. Culpepper ◽  
Jonathan D. Campbell ◽  
Lorene M. Nelson ◽  
Annette Langer-Gould ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Census Data ◽  
Adult Population ◽  
The United States ◽  
Health Claims ◽  
The North ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Us ◽  
Group A ◽  
Us Census

ObjectiveTo generate a national multiple sclerosis (MS) prevalence estimate for the United States by applying a validated algorithm to multiple administrative health claims (AHC) datasets.MethodsA validated algorithm was applied to private, military, and public AHC datasets to identify adult cases of MS between 2008 and 2010. In each dataset, we determined the 3-year cumulative prevalence overall and stratified by age, sex, and census region. We applied insurance-specific and stratum-specific estimates to the 2010 US Census data and pooled the findings to calculate the 2010 prevalence of MS in the United States cumulated over 3 years. We also estimated the 2010 prevalence cumulated over 10 years using 2 models and extrapolated our estimate to 2017.ResultsThe estimated 2010 prevalence of MS in the US adult population cumulated over 10 years was 309.2 per 100,000 (95% confidence interval [CI] 308.1–310.1), representing 727,344 cases. During the same time period, the MS prevalence was 450.1 per 100,000 (95% CI 448.1–451.6) for women and 159.7 (95% CI 158.7–160.6) for men (female:male ratio 2.8). The estimated 2010 prevalence of MS was highest in the 55- to 64-year age group. A US north-south decreasing prevalence gradient was identified. The estimated MS prevalence is also presented for 2017.ConclusionThe estimated US national MS prevalence for 2010 is the highest reported to date and provides evidence that the north-south gradient persists. Our rigorous algorithm-based approach to estimating prevalence is efficient and has the potential to be used for other chronic neurologic conditions.

Rethinking United States–Caribbean relations: towards a new mode of trans-territorial governance

2000 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANTHONY PAYNE
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International System ◽  
The United States ◽  
The North ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Different Order

United States–Caribbean relations over the period of the last thirty or forty years have rarely—if ever—been analysed in a thoroughly satisfying way. It is a strange omission in the international relations literature given the proximity of the United States to the Caribbean, and vice versa. But the fact is that most accounts of the relationship have fallen prey to a powerful, but ultimately misleading, mythology by which small, poor, weak, dependent entities in the Caribbean have either created trouble for, or alternatively been confronted by, the ‘colossus to the north’ that is the United States in whose ‘backyard’ they unfortunately have to reside. Virtually all analysts of the US–Caribbean relationship have thus drawn a picture marked at heart by the notion of an inherently unequal struggle between forces of a different order and scale. Within this broad metaphor the only major difference of interpretation has reflected the competing theories of power in the international system developed by the realist and structuralist schools.

The rivalry of the United States and France in the arms market in the Arab countries of the Middle East in the 1970s

2019 ◽  
pp. 198-204
Author(s):  
Ilia Lakstygal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
The Us ◽  
Industrial Complexes ◽  
Close Cooperation ◽  
Strong Position ◽  
Fierce Competition

We consider the US-French interaction in the arms markets of the Arab countries of the Middle East during the period of the Arab-Israeli war of the Doomsday (1973) on the Camp David agreements between Egypt and Israel (1978) and the beginning of the Iran-Iraq war (1980). The relevance of the work lies in the fact that the region since the rise in oil prices from the late 1960s to present day remains a key competition place for the largest military-industrial complexes of Western countries, which primarily include the US and French. It is at this time lays the founda-tions of their competition. The purpose of the study is to explore the extent to which the activity of Paris, which, as an ally of Washington in NATO, openly collaborated in the supply of weapons systems with Soviet partners in the region, was willingly or unwillingly subordinated to actions or signals from the United States. We came to the conclusion that the lack of fierce competition, as well as countering the close cooperation of France with Libya, Iraq and Egypt, where the French managed to take a strong position compared to the Americans, is due to the fact that Washington tried to tear off the consumers of the Soviet military industrial complex from the USSR or even would weaken their dependence on Moscow in arms procurement.

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