Nationalizing Rivers, Expropriating Lands

Author(s):  
Ekaterina Pravilova

The previous discussion on forests and minerals showed that Russian professional and industrial elites were quite unhappy with the state's passivity and its reluctance to take on the management of common resources. The government explained its withdrawal from this sphere as an expression of its allegiance to the principle of private property. This chapter analyzes how the Russian state used its power to regulate the use of one publicly important resource—rivers, which had been rendered into the private ownership of nobles by Catherine the Great's manifesto of 1782. A comparison of the treatment of rivers with other spheres of expropriation, across diverse geographical areas, including the Russian southern colonies, will show when and why the state was eager to seize private properties, when it refused to do so, and why.

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-213
Author(s):  
Abhay Pethe ◽  
Ramakrishna Nallathiga

Land has recently been looked upon as having substantial value in the Indian cities, especially in Mumbai. However, the allocation of land is a contested area with conflicting views and experiences. Governments intervene in land allocation through legislations for achieving equity but they do so without understanding the institutional structure and changing political, social and economic order. The Urban Land (Ceiling and Regulation) Act (ULCRA) is a piece of legislation through which Indian government made an attempt to redistribute urban land by limiting private ownership of it and confiscating the surplus. A critical review of its performance in India points to the difficulty of achieving such lofty goals in the complex real world, wherein different players actively use a variety of tactics to protect their interest, and also negotiate the outcome in the event of its repeal. The weak institutional capacity of the government and the changing governance framework render the outcomes detrimental. The experience of Mumbai city presented further points to the fact that the multiple actors thus have evolved their strategies to protect their interests through lobbying, corruption and legal wrangling. The experience of ULCRA, therefore, points to ground-level impediments to implementation of law and varied responses of the actors so as to preserve (or, even enhance) their particular interests. ULCRA also went against the decentralization of urban governance that began after the 74th Constitutional Amendment Act.


Author(s):  
Darima D. Amogolonova

The paper analyses the situation that took the most expressed forms since the late 19th century and reflected strengthening criticism from the Orthodox Church against both the Buddhist clergy and the Russian state. The contradictions between the state and the Orthodox policies were caused by differences in principles, since when giving Buddhism some legitimacy the government was guided by the interests of Russia in the east of the Empire, while the Orthodox Church saw its task in suppressing the influence of the Buddhist clergy through the soonest religious and ideological homogenisation of Buryats with the ethnic Russian population


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Thom

This paper considers the implications of the powerful "overlapping territories" map produced by the government of Canada in its attempt to refute human rights violations charges brought by Hul'qumi'num Treaty Group at the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. The map is at the core of Canada's defense in that it suggests that overlapping indigenous territories negate claims of exclusivity over the land and therefore any kind of obligations the state may have in respect of human or other indigenous rights in those lands. Revealing the limits of cartographic abstractions of indigenous spatialities, as well as the perilous stakes for indigenous peoples when engaging in conventional discourses of territoriality, these issues have broad significance.


Author(s):  
Robert J. Antony

Chapter 5 analyzes local self-regulation and law enforcement efforts. In conjunction with government, local communities also devised various methods for their own security and self-defense. Despite the state’s efforts and accomplishments in reaching down into local communities, the countryside was too vast and populous for state agents to penetrate everywhere. Normally the government preferred not to intervene directly in local affairs, but rather, to do so only indirectly through community lecture (xiangyue) and mutual surveillance (baojia) agents. Occasionally, in times of crises, the state would intervene more directly, such as in cases of famine relief and the suppression of riots and rebellions, but more routine security matters were normally left to each individual community. Rural towns and villages adopted a number of strategies for self-protection against bandits, including walls and other fortifications, guardsmen units, crop-watching associations, and militia. Nonetheless, I also argue that there was a complicated mix of activities in local communities involving both protection and predation.


Author(s):  
Andrei Lunochkin ◽  
◽  
Ekaterina Furman ◽  

Introduction. This article examines the problem of food supply for the residents of Stalingrad in the late 1920s – mid-1930s, i.e. during the period of industrialization. Methods and materials. The authors use the historical-descriptive (idiographic), historical-genetic, historical-comparative methods, as well as quantitative methods in the study of statistical sources. In the course of the research, documentary materials of the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, the State Archives of Volgograd Region, and the Center for Documentation of the Contemporary History of Volgograd Region were used to illustrate the main methods and directions for resolving the food problem in the city of Stalingrad in the late 1920s – first half of the 1930s. Analysis and results. The first five-year plan brought to citizens a sharp deterioration in food supply. Having refused to take economic measures the city authorities were forced to introduce a standardized distribution on the ration books of workers’ cooperatives. In 1931, Stalingrad as an important industrial center was included by the government in the list of the cities, which were supplied with basic products in a centralized manner. However, problems with food remained until the abolition of the card system in 1935. Interruptions in the supply of even standardized products, giant queues for them were the result not only of insufficient allocation of resources, but also of the unwillingness of the cooperative and state trade system to work effectively in the new conditions. The city’s population also grew too rapidly due to the peasants fleeing from the countryside, which contributed to the food shortage. The creation of subsidiary farms at large enterprises, the organization of collective farm fairs also did not lead to a noticeable result. The goal stated in the resolution of 1931 to bring the food supply of Stalingrad workers closer to the level of Moscow and Leningrad turned out to be unattainable. Some improvements in the food situation occurred only in autumn 1934, when a good harvest allowed the government to fulfill the state supplies, but the problem was never completely solved.


2021 ◽  
pp. 47-55
Author(s):  
TATYANA G. NEDZELYUK ◽  

The article studies the peculiarities of the state and confessional policy of the Russian Empire in the 19th - early 20th centuries in relation to Roman Catholics. The materials that served as the basis for the study are stored both in the Russian State Historical Archive and in the archives of Siberian cities: Tobolsk, Tomsk, Omsk, Irkutsk, Krasnoyarsk. Government orders of identical content were sent to all Siberian provincial centers, but in Tomsk they are in the best state of preservation, which gave us the opportunity to systematize them and use them for analysis. Government orders of identical content were sent to all Siberian provincial centers, but they are in the Tomsk State Archive in the best degree of preservation, which gave us the opportunity to systematize them and use them for analysis. The study revealed that the initiative to create the first Catholic parishes in Siberia belonged to the government and was dictated by the desire to remove the clergy of the Jesuit оrder from the capital...


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (49) ◽  
pp. 383
Author(s):  
Angelo Serpa ◽  
Alexandre Matos Contreiras Pereira ◽  
Raísa Santos Muniz

<p>Neste artigo, busca-se problematizar os processos de complexificação dos campos de produção e consumo em dois bairros populares, os bairros Brasil, em Vitória da Conquista, e Pernambués, em Salvador, através da identificação, da caracterização e da análise das centralidades de comércio e serviços, de suas dinâmicas internas e relações com a área da qual fazem parte na cidade. Além da pesquisa bibliográfica relativa à temática e à metodologia, a aplicação de questionários para empreendedores e público consumidor, realização de entrevistas com empreendedores, bem como a sistematização, a tabulação e a análise dos dados obtidos foram os principais procedimentos metodológicos utilizados, objetivando-se traçar os perfis sociais dos dois grupos, vistos aqui como agentes nos processos de complexificação das centralidades identificadas nos bairros. As pesquisas realizadas entre 2015 e 2016 buscaram também fomentar o debate sobre a existência ou não de um processo de ascensão de uma “nova classe média”, discurso tão amplamente divulgado pelo governo brasileiro e difundido pelos veículos de comunicação nos últimos anos. A análise de dois bairros populares em contextos urbano-regionais diferenciados no estado da Bahia nos permite afirmar que é inegável o processo de complexificação das centralidades de comércio e serviços nestes recortes. Por outro lado, há um evidente empobrecimento do capital social dos empreendedores entrevistados em ambos os bairros (lazer restrito, falta de tempo para os amigos e para frequentar equipamentos culturais), o capital escolar/cultural permanecendo praticamente inalterado e a continuidade dos estudos na universidade dependendo de um enorme esforço pessoal daqueles que se dispõem a fazê-lo. Percebe-se também que a ascensão social, ou melhor, a inserção pelo consumo pode interferir na vida de relações sociais dos bairros populares analisados, com o empobrecimento do capital social de empreendedores (e consumidores).</p><p><strong>Palavras–chave:</strong> comércio e serviços, ascensão social, bairro popular, bairro empreendedor, Salvador, Vitória da Conquista.</p><p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p>This paper aims to discuss the processes of complexification of the fields of production and consumption through the identification, characterization and analysis of trade and services centralities, its internal dynamics and the relations sustained by them within the area of the city in which they are located. We proceeded the studies in two popular neighborhoods in two different cities in the state of Bahia, Brazil. The first neighborhood is called Brazil and it is located in Vitoria da Conquista and the second is called Pernambués and it is located in Salvador. In addition to bibliographical research on both, the subject and methodology, we applied questionnaires for entrepreneurs and consumers, conducted interviews with entrepreneurs and proceeded its systematization, tabulation and analysis of the data obtained as the main methodological procedures in this study. By choosing to do so, we aimed to portray the social profiles of the two groups (entrepreneurs and consumers), seen here as active agents in the processes of complexification of the centralities identified in the neighborhoods. The surveys that were conducted between 2015 and 2016 intended to promote the debate about the possibility of existence of the process of ascension of a "new middle class" in Brazil, a discourse extensively disseminated by the government and by the media in recent years. The analysis of the two popular neighborhoods in different urban-regional contexts in the state of Bahia allows us to affirm that the process of complexification of the centralities of commerce and services in these localities is undeniable. On the other hand, there is a discernible impoverishment of the social capital of the entrepreneurs interviewed in both neighborhoods (restricted leisure, lack of time for friends and to attend cultural facilities), school/cultural capital remaining practically unchanged and the continuity of university studies (when applied) depending on a huge personal effort of those who are willing to do so. It is also noticeable that social ascension, or rather, insertion through consumption, can interfere in the social life of the residents of the popular neighborhoods analyzed resulting in the impoverishment of the social capital of the entrepreneurs (and also of the consumers).</p><p style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: justify; line-height: normal;"><strong>Keywords</strong>: commerce and services, Social ascension, Popular neighborhoods, Entrepreneurial neighborhoods, Salvador, Vitória da Conquista</p>


2019 ◽  
pp. 13-29
Author(s):  
Michael Huemer

By general consensus, there is a presumption against coercion: Only in a relatively narrow range of circumstances may an individual or group deploy physical force, or threats of physical force, against other individuals or groups. However, these circumstances do not include most of the circumstances in which governments actually deploy force. In other words, the typical behav- ior of governments is behavior that would be considered unacceptable, if adopted by any non-governmental person or group. This happens because the government is thought to have a special kind of authority (political authority), which private individuals and groups lack. The central contention of this paper is that there is nothing special about the state that explains why it would have authority over everyone else. The state, therefore, has only political power, not political authority. That is, it has the ability to coerce other agents and to take their resources, but it has no more moral right to do so than any other agent has. This view leads to a libertarian political philosophy. Keywords: political authority, political legitimacy, political obligation coercion, libertarianism JEL Classification: D63, D74, Z18 Resumen: Por consenso general, existe una presunción contra la coerción: sólo en un rango relativamente estrecho de circunstancias puede un individuo o grupo desplegar fuerza física, o amenazas de fuerza física, contra otros indi- viduos o grupos. Sin embargo, estas circunstancias no incluyen la mayoría de las circunstancias en las que los gobiernos realmente implementan la fuerza.  En otras palabras, el comportamiento típico de los gobiernos es un comportam- iento que se consideraría inaceptable si fuera adoptado por cualquier persona o grupo no gubernamental. Esto sucede porque se piensa que el gobierno tiene un tipo especial de autoridad (autoridad política) de la cual carecen los individuos y grupos privados. El argumento central de este artículo es que no hay nada especial en el estado que explique por qué debería tener autoridad sobre todos los demás. El estado, por lo tanto, sólo tiene poder político, no autoridad política. Es decir, tiene la capacidad de coaccionar a otros agentes y de tomar sus recursos, pero no tiene más derecho moral de hacerlo que cualquier otro agente. Esta visión conduce a una filosofía política libertaria. Palabras clave: autoridad política, legitimidad política, obligación política, coerción, libertarianismo Clasificación JEL: D63, D74, Z18


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-18
Author(s):  
M.M. Aybatov ◽  

The article analyzes the political and legal activity of the deputies of the North Caucasus in the early XX century, during the formation and activity of the State Duma. It is noted that the tsarist administration, modernizing the state-political system of the country, could not ignore the multinational and multi-confessional nature of the Russian state and therefore tried to take into account these features of the Russian state-political system. The article concludes that the involvement of regional MPs in political and legal activities of the first legislature (State Duma) at the beginning of the XX century has allowed to bring to the attention of Central government authorities, the main problems of the North Caucasus region and provides a process for the integration of national and regional elites in the Russian political elite to pinpoint the positions of North Caucasian elites in the political space of the Russian state. But many legislative initiatives put forward by the deputies of the North Caucasus did not find support from the government authorities and their decisions were ostponed indefinitely


2018 ◽  
pp. 179-188
Author(s):  
Magdalena KACPERSKA

The situation of women in the labor market in Poland depends on numerous complex micro- and macroeconomic factors. It results from the economic condition of the country and the global economic situation. It is a product of decisions made on a micro level as a result of macro circumstances. When discussing the employment market it should be borne in mind that it is not an ordinary market, such as the market for wellington boots or that of strawber- ries. The ‘product’ here is a human being and an ‘excess’ in the labor market creates a certain unfavorable outcome, namely unemployment. Just as an excess in the supply of wellingtons or strawberries leads to a drop in price, in the labor market it means cuts in salaries or stopping paychecks. That is why one of the tasks of the government is to provide people with the basic opportunity to get a job and earn money. Why then should the state react to the turbulence in the labor market when it does not necessarily have to do so in other markets? The answer is simply that wellingtons and strawberries do not have to provide for themselves and the family.


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