scholarly journals Sytuacja kobiet na rynku pracy w Polsce

2018 ◽  
pp. 179-188
Author(s):  
Magdalena KACPERSKA
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
Economic Condition ◽  
The State ◽  
Economic Situation ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Macroeconomic Factors ◽  
The Family ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
The Government ◽  
Do So

The situation of women in the labor market in Poland depends on numerous complex micro- and macroeconomic factors. It results from the economic condition of the country and the global economic situation. It is a product of decisions made on a micro level as a result of macro circumstances. When discussing the employment market it should be borne in mind that it is not an ordinary market, such as the market for wellington boots or that of strawber- ries. The ‘product’ here is a human being and an ‘excess’ in the labor market creates a certain unfavorable outcome, namely unemployment. Just as an excess in the supply of wellingtons or strawberries leads to a drop in price, in the labor market it means cuts in salaries or stopping paychecks. That is why one of the tasks of the government is to provide people with the basic opportunity to get a job and earn money. Why then should the state react to the turbulence in the labor market when it does not necessarily have to do so in other markets? The answer is simply that wellingtons and strawberries do not have to provide for themselves and the family.

THE VALUE OF LOVE IN THE SYSTEM OF FORMATION OF THE PROFESSIONAL MATURITY OF THE EDUCATOR

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (10(79)) ◽  
pp. 12-18
Author(s):  
G. Bubyreva
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
The State ◽  
Educational Process ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Right

The existing legislation determines the education as "an integral and focused process of teaching and upbringing, which represents a socially important value and shall be implemented so as to meet the interests of the individual, the family, the society and the state". However, even in this part, the meaning of the notion ‘socially significant benefit is not specified and allows for a wide range of interpretation [2]. Yet the more inconcrete is the answer to the question – "who and how should determine the interests of the individual, the family and even the state?" The national doctrine of education in the Russian Federation, which determined the goals of teaching and upbringing, the ways to attain them by means of the state policy regulating the field of education, the target achievements of the development of the educational system for the period up to 2025, approved by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of October 4, 2000 #751, was abrogated by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of March 29, 2014 #245 [7]. The new doctrine has not been developed so far. The RAE Academician A.B. Khutorsky believes that the absence of the national doctrine of education presents a threat to national security and a violation of the right of citizens to quality education. Accordingly, the teacher has to solve the problem of achieving the harmony of interests of the individual, the family, the society and the government on their own, which, however, judging by the officially published results, is the task that exceeds the abilities of the participants of the educational process.  The particular concern about the results of the patriotic upbringing served as a basis for the legislative initiative of the RF President V. V. Putin, who introduced the project of an amendment to the Law of RF "About Education of the Russian Federation" to the State Duma in 2020, regarding the quality of patriotic upbringing [3]. Patriotism, considered by the President of RF V. V. Putin as the only possible idea to unite the nation is "THE FEELING OF LOVE OF THE MOTHERLAND" and the readiness for every sacrifice and heroic deed for the sake of the interests of your Motherland. However, the practicing educators experience shortfalls in efficient methodologies of patriotic upbringing, which should let them bring up citizens, loving their Motherland more than themselves. The article is dedicated to solution to this problem based on the Value-sense paradigm of upbringing educational dynasty of the Kurbatovs [15].

Th e Economy

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Baldwin
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
Working Hours ◽  
Bertolt Brecht ◽  
State Regulation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Free Markets ◽  
Long Line ◽  
The Government ◽  
New Jobs

Let Us Begin Where Everything Starts, with the economy and the labor market. This is perhaps where contrasts are thought to be sharpest. America—so the proponents of radical differences across the Atlantic argue—worships at the altar of what West German chancellor Helmut Schmidt once called Raubtierkapitalismus, predatory capitalism, where the market sweeps everything before it and the state exerts no restraint. The result is what another German chancellor, Gerhard Schröder, called amerikanische Verhältnisse, “American conditions,” plucked straight out of a play by Bertolt Brecht: America’s labor market is untrammeled and cruel, jobs are insecure and badly paid. Americans live to work, while Europeans work to live. That is the story. But is it true? America’s core ideological belief is oft en thought to be the predominance of the market and the absence of state regulation. “Everything should and must be pro-market, pro-business, and pro-shareholder,” as Will Hutton, a British columnist, puts it, “a policy platform lubricated by colossal infusions of corporate cash into America’s money-dominated political system. . . . ” Hutton stands in a long line of European critics who have seen nothing but the dominance of the market in America. There is some truth to the American penchant for free markets. But the notion that the Atlantic divides capitalism scarlet in tooth and claw from a more domesticated version in Europe has been overstated. When asked for their preferences, Americans tend to assign the state less of a role than many—though not all—Europeans. Proportionately fewer Americans think that the government should redistribute income to ameliorate inequalities, or that the government should seek to provide jobs for all, or reduce working hours. On the other hand, proportionately more Americans (by a whisker) than Germans and almost exactly as many as the Swedes think that government should control wages, and more want the government to control prices than Germans. Proportionately more Americans believe that the government should act to create new jobs than the Swedes, and about as many as the Germans, Finns, and Swiss. The percentage of Americans that thinks the state should intervene to provide decent housing is low.

scholarly journals Work, Gender, and Immiseration in South Africa and India

2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 332-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sirisha C. Naidu ◽  
Lyn Ossome
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Labor Market ◽  
Social Reproduction ◽  
The State ◽  
Growth Path ◽  
Female Labor ◽  
Family Household ◽  
Female Workers ◽  
Reproduction System ◽  
The Family

In this paper, we broaden Marx’s immiseration thesis to articulate social reproduction under capitalist growth. Specifically, we compare the female labor market in the context of the wage economy, the family-household, and the state, three institutions that influence the production-reproduction system. Our observations lead us to conclude that the neoliberal growth path has exacerbated inequities in the opportunities for female workers in both countries. Our findings affirm both the differentiation and homogenization of conditions of reproduction under capitalist exploitation.

scholarly journals From He-Cession to She-Stimulus? The labor market impact of fiscal policy across gender

SERIEs ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alica Ida Bonk ◽  
Laure Simon
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
Fiscal Policy ◽  
Public Expenditure ◽  
Market Outcomes ◽  
Wage Bill ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Policy Shocks ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
The Government ◽  
Investment Spending

AbstractMen, especially those that are young and less educated, typically bear the brunt of recessions because of the stronger cyclicality of their employment and wages relative to women’s. We study the extent to which fiscal policy may offset or worsen these asymmetric effects across gender. Using micro-level data for the U.S. from the Current Population Survey, we find that the effects of fiscal policy shocks on labor market outcomes depend on the type of public expenditure. Women benefit most from increases in the government wage bill, while men are the main beneficiaries of higher investment spending. Our analysis further reveals that the fiscal component most efficient at closing gender gaps is least suitable for offsetting inequitable business cycle effects across other socioeconomic dimensions.

scholarly journals LEGAL CONSTRUCTION AND IMPLICATIONS RELATED TO PROTECTION OF MAKING SEX TAPE WITH A COUPLE

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-148
Author(s):  
Mriya Afifah Furqania ◽  
Tomy Michael
Keyword(s):  
Data Protection ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
Personal Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Privacy Rights ◽  
Information Communication ◽  
Personal Data Protection ◽  
The Government ◽  
Video Makers

This study aims to analyze the Indonesian laws and regulations concerning the protection of intimate video makers. The research was conducted by analyzing the Pornography Law, the Information and Electronic Transaction Law, the Government Regulation on the Implementation of Electronic Transaction Systems, and the Regulation of the Minister of Information Communication on Personal Data Protection. This research found that data/documents that are made for oneself and for their own interests which are not prohibited by law and included to one of the privacy rights that must be protected by every human being and by the state. The making of this intimate video is included in the privacy rights to enjoy life and should not be contested. Activities contained in the video can range from holding hands, hugging, kissing to having sex with consent. Therefore, if there are those who oppose rights such as acquisition and distribution without consent, the owner of the personal data can file a lawsuit for damages and have a right to erase their electronic documents.Keywords: intimate video; protection; sexual lawAbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis peraturan perundang-undangan Indonesia yang memuat tentang perlindungan terhadap pembuat video mesra. Penelitian dilakukan dengan menganalisis Undang-Undang Pornografi, Undang-Undang Informasi dan Transaksi Elektronik, Peraturan Pemerintah tentang Penyelenggaraan Sistem Transaksi Elektronik serta Peraturan Menteri Komunikasi dan Informasi tentang Perlindungan Data Pribadi. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa data/dokumen yang dibuat untuk diri sendiri dan kepentingan sendiri bukanlah hal yang dilarang oleh undang-undang dan justru harus dilindungi baik oleh tiap manusia maupun negara. Pembuatan video mesra ini termasuk dalam hak pribadi untuk menikmati hidup dan tidak boleh diganggu gugat. Aktivitas yang termuat dalam video tersebut bisa dari bergandengan tangan, berpelukan, berciuman hingga berhubungan badan yang dilakukan atas persetujuan. Oleh sebab itu jika terdapat pelanggaran terhadap hak seperti perolehan dan penyebarluasan tanpa persetujuan, pemilik data pribadi dapat mengajukan gugatan kerugian dan mengajukan permohonan untuk menghapus data tersebut.

scholarly journals Pluralismo religioso, multietnicità e biodiritto

2006 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giuseppe Dalla Torre
Keyword(s):  
Human Dignity ◽  
Religious Pluralism ◽  
Religious Affiliation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Human Being ◽  
The Government ◽  
Personal Law ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship

Dopo essersi rilevato il fenomeno della rinascita del fatto religioso nell’odierna società secolarizzata, grazie anche al massiccio fenomeno immigratorio, si descrive l’impatto del pluralismo etnico-religioso sulle tradizionali realtà degli ordinamenti giuridici statali; impatto reso ancora più problematico per l’ascesa di nuovi poteri, in particolare quello tecnico-scientifico, insofferenti ad una eteroregolamentazione non solo sul piano etico, ma anche sul piano giuridico. Si mette quindi in evidenza una crescente ambiguità che investe la biogiuridica: da un lato la nuova esigenza di riconoscere il rivendicato “diritto alla diversità” da parte delle diverse formazioni etnico-religiose; dall’altro l’esigenza di una regolamentazione giuridica uniforme a garanzia dell’ordinata convivenza attorno ad una scala valoriale che abbia nella “vita” il bene centrale ed ultimo da salvaguardare. Tra le conclusioni cui si giunge è innanzitutto quella per cui la pacifica convivenza in una società multietnica e multireligiosa può essere assicurata, nel rispetto delle diverse tradizioni e culture, attraverso il ricorso a moderati e saggi riconoscimenti di spazio al diritto personale all’interno degli ordinamenti statali, ma nei limiti rigorosi posti dalle esigenze di tutela della dignità umana. Ciò tocca anche la questione dei “nuovi poteri” che, nel contesto di una società globalizzata, impongono una rielaborazione dell’idea di diritto che, partendo dal quadro di un sistema di fonti che tende sempre più ad essere organizzato non secondo gerarchia ma secondo competenza, si ispiri al principio del riconoscimento dell’essere umano nella sua dignità, indipendentemente dall’appartenenza etnico-religiosa. Infine si mette in evidenza l’inaccettabilità di un “diritto debole”, solo procedimentale, perché sostanziale negazione della funzione stessa del diritto, che è quella di prevenire e/o dirimere i conflitti tra interessi in gioco e, quindi, i contrasti tra le parti della società, difendendo nel rapporto i soggetti più deboli; così come si mette in evidenza che il prezioso bene della laicità dello Stato non è – come invece spesso si ritiene – salvaguardato da un “diritto debole”, ma solo da un diritto giusto. ---------- After being noticed the phenomenon of the rebirth of the religious fact in today’s secularized society, it is described also the impact of the ethnic-religious pluralism on the traditional realities of the government juridical arrangements; impact made even more problematic for the ascent of new powers, particularly that technical-scientific, impatient to an heteroregulation not only on the ethical plan, but also on the juridical plan. It is put therefore in evidence an increasing ambiguity that invests the biojuridical: from one side the new demand to recognize the vindicated “law to difference” from different ethnic-religious formations; from the other the demand of a uniform juridical regulation to guarantee of the orderly cohabitation around to a scale of value that has in “life” central and ultimate good to safeguard. Between the conclusions which the author comes it is, first of all, that for which the peaceful cohabitation in a multiethnic and multireligious society can be assured, in the respect of the different traditions and cultures, through the recourse to moderate and wise recognition of space to the personal law into the government arrangements, but in the rigorous limits set by the demands of guardianship of human dignity. This also touches the matter of new powers that, in the contest of globalization, impose a new elaboration of the idea of law that, departing from the picture of a system of sources that extends more and more to not be organized according to hierarchy but according to competence, inspire to the principle of the recognition of the human being in its dignity, independently from the ethnic-religious affiliation. Finally it is put in evidence the unacceptability of a “weak law”, just procedural, as substantial negation of the law function itself, which is that to prevent and/or to settle the conflicts between affairs at stake and, therefore, contrasts between the parts of the society, defending in the relationship the weakest subjects; as it is evidenced that the precious good of laity of the State is not - like instead it is often considered - safeguarded by a weak law, but only by a correct law.

Nationalizing Rivers, Expropriating Lands

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Pravilova
Keyword(s):  
Private Property ◽  
The State ◽  
Private Ownership ◽  
Common Resources ◽  
Important Resource ◽  
Previous Discussion ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Government ◽  
Southern Colonies ◽  
Do So

The previous discussion on forests and minerals showed that Russian professional and industrial elites were quite unhappy with the state's passivity and its reluctance to take on the management of common resources. The government explained its withdrawal from this sphere as an expression of its allegiance to the principle of private property. This chapter analyzes how the Russian state used its power to regulate the use of one publicly important resource—rivers, which had been rendered into the private ownership of nobles by Catherine the Great's manifesto of 1782. A comparison of the treatment of rivers with other spheres of expropriation, across diverse geographical areas, including the Russian southern colonies, will show when and why the state was eager to seize private properties, when it refused to do so, and why.

Community Security and Self-Defense

Unruly People ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert J. Antony
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Self Regulation ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
The State ◽  
Famine Relief ◽  
Self Defense ◽  
State Agents ◽  
The Government ◽  
Self Protection ◽  
Do So

Chapter 5 analyzes local self-regulation and law enforcement efforts. In conjunction with government, local communities also devised various methods for their own security and self-defense. Despite the state’s efforts and accomplishments in reaching down into local communities, the countryside was too vast and populous for state agents to penetrate everywhere. Normally the government preferred not to intervene directly in local affairs, but rather, to do so only indirectly through community lecture (xiangyue) and mutual surveillance (baojia) agents. Occasionally, in times of crises, the state would intervene more directly, such as in cases of famine relief and the suppression of riots and rebellions, but more routine security matters were normally left to each individual community. Rural towns and villages adopted a number of strategies for self-protection against bandits, including walls and other fortifications, guardsmen units, crop-watching associations, and militia. Nonetheless, I also argue that there was a complicated mix of activities in local communities involving both protection and predation.

scholarly journals Complexificação de centralidades de comércio e serviços e ascensão social em dois bairros empreendedores no estado da Bahia / Complexification of centralities of commerce and services and social ascension in two popular entrepreneurial neighborhoods (..

2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (49) ◽  
pp. 383
Author(s):  
Angelo Serpa ◽  
Alexandre Matos Contreiras Pereira ◽  
Raísa Santos Muniz
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Social Life ◽  
The State ◽  
Capital Social ◽  
Production And Consumption ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Social Profiles ◽  
Do So

<p>Neste artigo, busca-se problematizar os processos de complexificação dos campos de produção e consumo em dois bairros populares, os bairros Brasil, em Vitória da Conquista, e Pernambués, em Salvador, através da identificação, da caracterização e da análise das centralidades de comércio e serviços, de suas dinâmicas internas e relações com a área da qual fazem parte na cidade. Além da pesquisa bibliográfica relativa à temática e à metodologia, a aplicação de questionários para empreendedores e público consumidor, realização de entrevistas com empreendedores, bem como a sistematização, a tabulação e a análise dos dados obtidos foram os principais procedimentos metodológicos utilizados, objetivando-se traçar os perfis sociais dos dois grupos, vistos aqui como agentes nos processos de complexificação das centralidades identificadas nos bairros. As pesquisas realizadas entre 2015 e 2016 buscaram também fomentar o debate sobre a existência ou não de um processo de ascensão de uma “nova classe média”, discurso tão amplamente divulgado pelo governo brasileiro e difundido pelos veículos de comunicação nos últimos anos. A análise de dois bairros populares em contextos urbano-regionais diferenciados no estado da Bahia nos permite afirmar que é inegável o processo de complexificação das centralidades de comércio e serviços nestes recortes. Por outro lado, há um evidente empobrecimento do capital social dos empreendedores entrevistados em ambos os bairros (lazer restrito, falta de tempo para os amigos e para frequentar equipamentos culturais), o capital escolar/cultural permanecendo praticamente inalterado e a continuidade dos estudos na universidade dependendo de um enorme esforço pessoal daqueles que se dispõem a fazê-lo. Percebe-se também que a ascensão social, ou melhor, a inserção pelo consumo pode interferir na vida de relações sociais dos bairros populares analisados, com o empobrecimento do capital social de empreendedores (e consumidores).</p><p><strong>Palavras–chave:</strong> comércio e serviços, ascensão social, bairro popular, bairro empreendedor, Salvador, Vitória da Conquista.</p><p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p>This paper aims to discuss the processes of complexification of the fields of production and consumption through the identification, characterization and analysis of trade and services centralities, its internal dynamics and the relations sustained by them within the area of the city in which they are located. We proceeded the studies in two popular neighborhoods in two different cities in the state of Bahia, Brazil. The first neighborhood is called Brazil and it is located in Vitoria da Conquista and the second is called Pernambués and it is located in Salvador. In addition to bibliographical research on both, the subject and methodology, we applied questionnaires for entrepreneurs and consumers, conducted interviews with entrepreneurs and proceeded its systematization, tabulation and analysis of the data obtained as the main methodological procedures in this study. By choosing to do so, we aimed to portray the social profiles of the two groups (entrepreneurs and consumers), seen here as active agents in the processes of complexification of the centralities identified in the neighborhoods. The surveys that were conducted between 2015 and 2016 intended to promote the debate about the possibility of existence of the process of ascension of a "new middle class" in Brazil, a discourse extensively disseminated by the government and by the media in recent years. The analysis of the two popular neighborhoods in different urban-regional contexts in the state of Bahia allows us to affirm that the process of complexification of the centralities of commerce and services in these localities is undeniable. On the other hand, there is a discernible impoverishment of the social capital of the entrepreneurs interviewed in both neighborhoods (restricted leisure, lack of time for friends and to attend cultural facilities), school/cultural capital remaining practically unchanged and the continuity of university studies (when applied) depending on a huge personal effort of those who are willing to do so. It is also noticeable that social ascension, or rather, insertion through consumption, can interfere in the social life of the residents of the popular neighborhoods analyzed resulting in the impoverishment of the social capital of the entrepreneurs (and also of the consumers).</p><p style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: justify; line-height: normal;"><strong>Keywords</strong>: commerce and services, Social ascension, Popular neighborhoods, Entrepreneurial neighborhoods, Salvador, Vitória da Conquista</p>

scholarly journals An Introduction to the Problem of Authority

2019 ◽  
pp. 13-29
Author(s):  
Michael Huemer
Keyword(s):  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Special Kind ◽  
Jel Classification ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
The State ◽  
Physical Force ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
Or Groups ◽  
The Government ◽  
Do So

By general consensus, there is a presumption against coercion: Only in a relatively narrow range of circumstances may an individual or group deploy physical force, or threats of physical force, against other individuals or groups. However, these circumstances do not include most of the circumstances in which governments actually deploy force. In other words, the typical behav- ior of governments is behavior that would be considered unacceptable, if adopted by any non-governmental person or group. This happens because the government is thought to have a special kind of authority (political authority), which private individuals and groups lack. The central contention of this paper is that there is nothing special about the state that explains why it would have authority over everyone else. The state, therefore, has only political power, not political authority. That is, it has the ability to coerce other agents and to take their resources, but it has no more moral right to do so than any other agent has. This view leads to a libertarian political philosophy. Keywords: political authority, political legitimacy, political obligation coercion, libertarianism JEL Classification: D63, D74, Z18 Resumen: Por consenso general, existe una presunción contra la coerción: sólo en un rango relativamente estrecho de circunstancias puede un individuo o grupo desplegar fuerza física, o amenazas de fuerza física, contra otros indi- viduos o grupos. Sin embargo, estas circunstancias no incluyen la mayoría de las circunstancias en las que los gobiernos realmente implementan la fuerza.  En otras palabras, el comportamiento típico de los gobiernos es un comportam- iento que se consideraría inaceptable si fuera adoptado por cualquier persona o grupo no gubernamental. Esto sucede porque se piensa que el gobierno tiene un tipo especial de autoridad (autoridad política) de la cual carecen los individuos y grupos privados. El argumento central de este artículo es que no hay nada especial en el estado que explique por qué debería tener autoridad sobre todos los demás. El estado, por lo tanto, sólo tiene poder político, no autoridad política. Es decir, tiene la capacidad de coaccionar a otros agentes y de tomar sus recursos, pero no tiene más derecho moral de hacerlo que cualquier otro agente. Esta visión conduce a una filosofía política libertaria. Palabras clave: autoridad política, legitimidad política, obligación política, coerción, libertarianismo Clasificación JEL: D63, D74, Z18

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