scholarly journals Empathy as a strategy of bridging the gap between politicians and the people of Serbia

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 955
Author(s):  
Vladimira Ilić

This paper strives to emphasize one of the roles of emotion in the political activities of political actors. In the last few years, the viewing of politicians as Others by the citizens of Serbia is becoming more and more apparent. Politics itself is viewed through the actions of politicians, which are accompanied by a more and more passive attitude towards politics in general. The paper considers empathy as one of the strategies of overcoming the lack of confidence that citizens have toward domestic politicians, or rather the attempted closeness of politicians and the citizenry and the emotional binding of (certain) politicians to the voters. Empathy is approached as the emotional ability of a person to empathize with another person or group, wherein it is considered not as an emotion but as a capability which leads to certain experiences which we call emotions. Certain politicians demonstrate it, as a strategy of displaying good will, through their public speeches and culturally standardized behavior which is, further, considered as political communication directed towards the public. Aside from the speech and behavior of politicians, the paper analyzes the reactions of the citizens to it in the form of internet comments. As this paper is part of a wider study on the use of emotions, the aim is to use this example to point out that emotions can not only be but are an important aspect of political communication and politics as such.

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Nfn Fauzi

This study discusses the political communication of legislative candidates in influencing the political participation of the community in North Aceh District. Political communication is a process of communication or the process of giving symbols or symbols of communication containing political messages that have implications affect the attitudes and behavior of audiences who become political targets. Legislative candidates are elected by the general election through legislative elections normally proposed by political parties. This research uses survey method with mixmethod approach, quantitative and qualitative. Based on the results of the research, political communication of legislative candidates influences the political participation of the people in Aceh Utara Regency by 33.2% and the rest is influenced by other things that are not examined. Coefficient of positive value means the more effective political communication of legislative candidates, then the increasing political participation of the community. Likewise, the results of interviews with political figures show that political messages are arranged in such a way by the legislative candidates submitted at the time of the campaign either face to face or through mass media and the ability to communicate or convey messages may affect the participation of the people to vote for the legislative candidate in legislative elections.Penelitian ini membahas mengenai komunikasi politik calon legislatif dalam memengaruhi partisipasi politik masyarakat di Kabupaten Aceh Utara. Komunikasi politik merupakan suatu proses komunikasi atau proses pemberian lambang-lambang atau simbol-simbol komunikasi yang berisikan pesan-pesan politik yang memiliki implikasi memengaruhi sikap dan tingkah laku khalayak yang menjadi target politik. Calon legislatif dipilih masyarakat melalui pemilihan umum legislatif yang biasanya diajukan oleh partai politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode survei dengan pendekatan mixmethod, kuantitatif dan kualitatif. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, komunikasi politik calon legislatif memengaruhi partisipasi politik masyarakat di Kabupaten Aceh Utara sebesar 33,2% dan sisanya dipengaruhi hal-hal lain yang tidak diteliti. Koefisien bernilai positif artinya semakin efektif komunikasi politik calon legislatif, maka semakin meningkat partisipasi politik masyarakat. Begitu juga dengan hasil wawancara dengan tokoh politik menunjukkan bahwa pesan-pesan politik yang disusun dengan sedemikian rupa oleh calon legislatif yang disampaikan pada saat kampanye baik secara tatap muka maupun melalui media massa dan kemampuan berkomunikasi atau menyampaikan pesan dapat memengaruhi partisipasi masyarakat untuk memilih calon legislatif tersebut dalam pemilu legislatif.


The consolidation of local democracy will be realized well if the political information provided by the electoral institutions and political institution through political communication can encourage people to get a 'nutrition' receive political information, so they can learn about politics. Political information in simultaneosly election is part of candidate “candidates pair” a Mayor Cimahi City can do political communication for competing to provide on political information about prospective policy choice that will be submitter later. When the political information of the citizen is fulfilled, the citizen can choose with a large responsibility and rationally to choose leader in their area, based on considerations that the common benefit of the people themselves. In 2017 is a political year for 101 regions that held the head simultaneous elections (Pilkada) throughout in Indonesia. There are 7 Provinces, 76 District and 18 Cities that participate in the simultaneous elections. One of the 18 cities that held the elections was Cimahi City. Cimahi City has a permanent voter list of 375,722 people who use its sovereignty to elect a Mayor candidate who will lead the region for the next 5 years. In the party of democracy, it is fundamental that political information becomes a reinforcement in political cognition that will be implemented in the space of political participation itself. Political education is an obligation for political organizers, especially for the General Election Commision (KPU) Cimahi City and Political Parties to provide political information to the public.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Partahi Nando Sirait

Technology in the development of the flow of production, consumption and distribution of information becomes vital. The urgency of the role of technology in information masification is also used by mass media, especially electronic mass media such as television. The development of electronic mass media to date, is also increasingly promising for all parties, not apart from the political elite who use or cooperate with the mass media crew in presenting various programs. Not only that, the news program was no less interesting to most political actors in order to generate opinions among the people themselves. As in the presidential election some time ago, the role of mass media and its news program succeeded in changing people's attitudes towards the figure of a presidential candidate. The problems and use of electronic mass media are considered to be enough to attract sympathy from the public, where in the news program on television the public can see and hear directly what is done and spoken by the political elite. And this can also give rise to responses to opinions in the community.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 388-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Pfetsch ◽  
Katrin Voltmer

After the demise of communist rule the relationship between media and politics in Eastern European countries has to adjust to the conditions of democratic politics and a competitive communication environment. This study explores how journalists and politicians understand their relationship past and present and what orientations govern their day-to-day interactions. The political communication cultures in Bulgaria and Poland are investigated on the basis of semi-structured interviews with journalists and politicians. The findings suggest that in Bulgaria closed-knitted networks between the two sets of actors continue to shape political communication breeding ‘deals’ and even corruption that seriously undermine the independence of political journalism. In contrast, political communication roles in Poland appear more differentiated making it more difficult for political actors to exercise control over the public agenda.


Author(s):  
Wendy J. Schiller ◽  
Charles Stewart III

From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people—instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified, giving the public a direct vote. This book investigates the electoral connections among constituents, state legislators, political parties, and U.S. senators during the age of indirect elections. The book finds that even though parties controlled the partisan affiliation of the winning candidate for Senate, they had much less control over the universe of candidates who competed for votes in Senate elections and the parties did not always succeed in resolving internal conflict among their rank and file. Party politics, money, and personal ambition dominated the election process, in a system originally designed to insulate the Senate from public pressure. The book uses an original data set of all the roll call votes cast by state legislators for U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 and all state legislators who served during this time. Newspaper and biographical accounts uncover vivid stories of the political maneuvering, corruption, and partisanship—played out by elite political actors, from elected officials, to party machine bosses, to wealthy business owners—that dominated the indirect Senate elections process. The book raises important questions about the effectiveness of Constitutional reforms, such as the Seventeenth Amendment, that promised to produce a more responsive and accountable government.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026732312199133
Author(s):  
Christina Holtz-Bacha

With the surge of populism in Europe, public service broadcasting has come under increased pressure. The established media are considered part of the corrupt elite not serving the interests of the people. The public service media, for which pluralism is at the core of their remit, are a particular thorn in the side of the populists. Therefore, they attack the financial basis of public service, which is supposed to guarantee their independence. The populist attacks on the traditional broadcasting corporations meet with the interests of neoliberal politics and of those political actors who want to evade public scrutiny and democratic control and do no longer feel committed to democratic accountability. The assaults on the public service media are thus an assault on freedom of the media and further increase the pressure on the democratic system.


Author(s):  
Cristina Cirtita-Buzoianu

This paper aims to analyze the image and identity of political actors during an electoral campaign, as these two elements are defining for political marketing in attracting and convincing voters. With that in mind we will monitor the image of the two candidates for the position of mayor in the 2012 electoral campaign in Bacău, as it appeared in the written local press. The analysis of the two politicians will be made from the perspective of two pre-established image indicators: the political and the human dimensions. Each of the two dimensions has sub indicators pre-established in order to validate the general mediatized image of the candidate. Regarding the political dimension we will measure the sub indicators: political communication, attitude towards corruption, interest for civil problems, the ability to negotiate and political project, while the human dimension has the following sub indicators: faith, empathy, morality, honesty, charisma, consistency and leadership. Thus, we will try to identify if there are major differences between the two dimensions, for the two candidates, from a quantitative as well as a qualitative perspective.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Campbell

In the early days of the Internet, many political communication theorists held the utopian belief that political actors would use online tools to communicate directly with members of the public, and thereby bolster political engagement and enrich democracy. Unfortunately, studies over the past two decades found that political websites were not usually used to interact directly with the public, but instead were used to simply disseminate information in a one-way information-sharing model. However, the emergence of social media sites presents political actors with the opportunity to interact with the public far more easily than websites had previously allowed. Given the widespread adoption and high usage rates of social media sites, these online resources could potentially open up a space for public discussion about politics and allow political actors to interact directly with members of the public. Literature indicates that this type of shared space is conducive to the kind of civic mindset that leads to higher rates of political engagement. Research on political uses of social media tends to focus on the use of social media engagement. Research on political uses of social media tends to focus on the use of social media within elections, such as the 2008 U.S presidential election, and on the use of social media by national governments. I have chosen instead to examine how a group of municipal councilors in Toronto, Ontario uses social media. These politicians have the greatest need to interact directly with individuals throughout their term of service because municipal councilors are expected to know the members of their ward far more intimately than federal, or even provincial, politicians. My study focuses on the use of Facebook because literature indicates that it is the most political social media platform and that it presents politicians with the greatest opportunity to foster political engagement online. Through analysis of the Facebook pages of Toronto city councilors this study examines the degree to which councilors use Facebook to engage their followers, whether certain citizens are consistently engaged in ongoing political discussions, and whether small communities of politically engaged citizens develop around the Facebook profiles of councilors.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-138
Author(s):  
M.A. CHEKUNOVA ◽  

The purpose of the article is to consider the influence of the processes of digital transformation of society on the change of the model of power and public communications. The positions and arguments of technological optimists and alarmists on the prospects for the development or involution of democracy in the context of further digitalization are considered. Scenario variants of the political consequences of the "digital revolution"are presented. A special place is given to the analysis of the discourse, catalyzed by anti-covid events, around the problem of a new type of totalitarianism. The author, pointing to the opportunities of digitalization that are favorable for the development of power and public relations, also notes the risks associated with it for the political sphere. As a result of the research, the author suggests two main directions of digital transformation in the field of political communication in the medium term: 1) creative, enhancing the effectiveness of dialogue communications between the authorities and the public (including through the implementation of the national project "Digital Economy of the Russian Federation"), 2) destructive, forming the language of hostility in society and the activity of anonymous political trolls that generate conflict.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-460
Author(s):  
Achmad Nafhis Ubaydillah ◽  
Effy Zalfiana Rusfian

Semiotics is used as the basis for the meaning contained in each message, especially regarding political communication which uses a reference that every message meaning is contained in it. A political communication that uses the interactional communication model carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama convinces the public to support Joko Widodo as a candidate for President of Indonesia in 2019. Semiotics has a relationship with the prevailing culture in an area due to signs and patterns of political communication. carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama is believed to be a communication process and uses signs and figures of speech through the metaphor of political communication by referring to the communication made between the two actors to participate in seeing the communication process by sending messages to the public. Semiotics is used in a message as well as to be sent to the public. The campaign carried out by Joko Widodo has a close relationship with Nahdlatul Ulama as the two of them did to believe in all Indonesian people with the messages sent by both of them. However, the semiotic element contained in the political communication carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama invites the Indonesian people to follow what is done by interpreting the meaning of semiotics in the political messages sent by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama to the Indonesian people.


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