scholarly journals Pilkada Dalam Pandemic: Bagaimana Warga Negara Memaknai Demokrasi Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 74
Author(s):  
Lisda Nurul Romdani ◽  
Karim Suryadi
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
Scientific Journals ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
The Public ◽  
Data Process ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Pros And Cons ◽  
The Media

AbstractLocal election in 2020 is a form of democracy for the Indonesian people, with this aim, namely to see how citizens interpret the concept of democracy in Indonesia during the elections held during the Pandemic. This research was conducted using the method of literature study (library research) or research with literature studies, namely research data and information from scientific journals and books as well as research results. Such is the data process obtained that the holding of regional head elections in a Pandemic reaps pros and cons. The media is a public space that is used by citizens in realizing their participation, and the manifestation of a citizen's democratic attitude can be seen from his role through the public space in his decision-making process. Thus, the media as a means of political discussion in the community, this can be said as the meaning of democracy that can be seen by every individual in the practice of citizenship.------------- AbstrakPemilihan Kepala Daerah serentak yang diselenggarakan pada tahun 2020 merupakan wujud demokrasi bagi bangsa Indonesia, tujuan penulisan ini yaitu untuk mengetahui bagaimana warga negara memaknai konsep demokrasi di Indonesia saat pilkada yang dilaksanakan saat Pandemic. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan metode studi literatur (library research) atau penelitian dengan studi pustaka, yaitu pengumpulan data dan informasi dari jurnal ilmiah dan buku serta hasil penelitian. Demikian proses data yang didapatkan bahwa penyelenggaraan pemilihan kepala daerah dalam Pandemic menuai pro dan kontra. Media menjadi ruang public yang digunakan warga negara dalam mewujudkan partisipasinya, dan perwujudan sikap demokratis seorang warga negara dapat dilihat dari peran dirinya melalui ruang public dalam proses pengambilan keputusannya. Demikian, media sebagai sarana diskusi politik di kalangan masyarakat, hal ini dapat dikatakan sebagai makna demokrasi yang dapat dilihat setiap individu dalam praktek kewarganegaraan. 

scholarly journals REPRESENTASI KHILAFAH DALAM PEMERINTAHAN REPUBLIK SPIRITUAL

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 283
Author(s):  
Nurkhalis Nurkhalis
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Religious Knowledge ◽  
Ibn Khaldun ◽  
The Public ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Ibn Taymiyya ◽  
The Government ◽  
Critical Interpretation ◽  
Modern Era

Abstract Khilafah cut off after the Ottoman Caliphate so that is no longer found of the Islamic government in the modern era. Then al-Afghani and M. Abduh reappeared the khilafah to the expression of wahdat al-Islamiyah which idea’s Rashid Ridha turned to a new term into Pan Islamism. This study is a literature study (library research) where the source data obtained from books of khilafah and Islamic government thinkers. Data were analyzed using critical interpretation analysis methods from Khomeini and al-Juwaini's thoughts including data reduction, data exposure, and conclusion. Based on the accumulation of theory among others Al-Mawdudi made it possible to divert Islamic rule to democracy. Hasan al-Banna socialized the return system of the khilafah. Ibn Khaldun hinted that the breaking of the Caliphate signifies that every state has a final period of government so that the caliphate system will not be permanent until the state fell in the territorial nations. Iqbal criticizes Islam not nationalism and even imperialism but the commonwealth nations without racial and demarcation. Al-Shatibi maintains the spirit of the maqashid shari'ah in the Islamic government. Imam Khomeini switched to the wilayat al-faqih. Ibn Taymiyya states that the complexity of establishing the Islamic Government is as complex as determining Islamic scholars. Al-Juwaini offers a solution to the concept of ghiyatsi namely the government that emphasizes the shari'ah that continues to be discussed in searching for the best format. The modern era is certainly running the Islamic Government only through the government of the spiritual republic by not lifting ahlu zimmah (non Muslim), ahlu kitab, munafiq (hipocrit), zindiq (orientalist), dayyus, musyrik (idolatry), dahriyyun (atheis), ashab'ah (naturalist) become government leaders. Preferred leaders who have be ahl muruwwah (authority) ie people who have previous life records in a measurable and open goodness in the public space for executive, legislative and judicial candidates performed fit and proper test by people who have the same religious knowledge with the fuqaha. Keywords: Khilafah, Islam, Government, and Spiritual Republic   Abstrak Khilafah terputus pasca Khalifah Utsmaniyah sehingga hampir tidak ditemukan lagi bentuk Pemerintahan Islam di era modern. Kemudian al-Afghani dan M. Abduh merekonstruksi khilafah kepada Wahdat al-Islamiyah yang kemudian Rashid Ridha mengalihkan ke istilah baru menjadi Pan Islamisme. Kajian ini dilakukan melalui studi kepustakaan di mana sumber datanya diperoleh dari buku dan kitab dari pemikir khilafah dan pemerintahan Islam. Data dianalisis dengan menggunakan metode analisis interpretasi kritis dari pemikiran Khomeini dan al-Juwaini meliputi reduksi data, pemaparan data dan penarikan kesimpulan. Akumulasi teori pemerintahan Islam dari beberapa intelektual Islam diantaranya Al-Maududi memungkinkan pergeseran pemerintahan Islam ke demokrasi. Hasan al-Banna mengajak mensosialisasikan pengembalian sistem khilafah. Ibnu Khaldun mengisyaratkan terputusnya khilafah menandakan setiap negara memiliki masa akhir pemerintahan menyebabkan sistem khilafah tidak akan permanen hingga terbentuk negara dalam territorial bangsa-bangsa. Iqbal mengkritisi Islam bukan nasionalisme bahkan imperialisme melainkan bangsa-bangsa persemakmuran tanpa rasial dan demarkasi. Al-Shatibi mempertahankan adanya ruh maqashid syari‘ah dalam pemerintahan Islam. Imam Khomeini beralih berpedoman kepada wilayah al-faqih. Ibnu Taimiyah menyatakan bahwa dharurat mendirikan Pemerintahan Islam sebagaimana dharurat menentukan ahli Islam. Al-Juwaini menawarkan solusi kepada konsep ghiyatsi yakni pemerintahan yang mementingkan syari‘at yang terus didiskusikan dalam mencari format yang terbaik. Era modern kepastian menjalankan Pemerintahan Islam hanya melalui pemerintahan republik spiritual dengan tidak menjadikan ahlu zimmah (non muslim), ahlu kitab, munafiq, musyrik, dahriyyun (atheis), ashab’ah (naturalis) menjadi pemimpin pemerintahan. Pemimpin diutamakan yang mempunyai ahl muruwwah (kewibawaan) yakni orang yang memiliki catatan hidup sebelumnya dalam kebaikan yang terukur dan terbuka di ruang publik bagi kandidat eksekutif, legislatif dan yudikatif dilakukan fit and proper test oleh orang yang memiliki religius yang sama ilmunya dengan fuqaha. Kata Kunci: Khilafah, Islam, Pemerintahan, dan Republik Spiritual

Conclusion

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Llano
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
Musical Performance ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Musical Practices ◽  
The Media ◽  
The City

As is described in this conclusion, more than the media and culture, Madrid’s public space constituted the primary arena where reactions and attitudes toward social conflict and inequalities were negotiated. Social conflict in the public space found expression through musical performance, as well as through the rise of noise that came with the expansion and modernization of the city. Through their impact on public health and morality, noise and unwelcomed musical practices contributed to the refinement of Madrid’s city code and the modernization of society. The interference of vested political interests, however, made the refining of legislation in these areas particularly difficult. Analysis of three musical practices, namely, flamenco, organilleros, and workhouse bands, has shown how difficult it was to adopt consistent policies and approaches to tackling the forms of social conflict that were associated with musical performance.

FOTOGRAFI SEBAGAI MEDIA POLITIK DI INDONESIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Mohammad Solihin
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Visual Communication ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Visual Media ◽  
Communication To The Public ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
The Public ◽  
Message Effects ◽  
Self Image ◽  
The Media

ABSTRACTPhotography is one of the media used to introduce the character or self-image of politicians during regional head elections, or presidential elections. Among them are by displaying photos of faces or campaign activities for APK (Campaign Props) billboards, namely billboards or billboards installed on protocol roads that can be seen by the public, pamphlets, mass media, and etc. Visual media in the form of photos has a very big influence on public opinion. Photography has a visual power that is able to construct the authenticity of factual events. The purpose of this study is to find out how the process of making photography a political visual communication medium in Indonesia. The method used is descriptive qualitative with an approach through the literature study method. The results of this study can be concluded that the process of making photography a political medium of visual communication to the public is carried out in several ways, namely by recruiting special photographers themselves, designing them, and distributing them. The effect of the message generated from a photography with a good appearance is the effect of knowledge and effect of information.Keywords:  Photography, Political Media, Visual Communication, Message Effects, Political Communication.  ABSTRAKFotografi merupakan salah satu media yang digunakan untuk mengenalkan karakter atau citra diri politisi saat pemilihan kepala daerah, ataupun pemilihan presiden. Diantaranya dengan memajang foto-foto wajah atau kegiatan kampanye untuk baliho APK (Alat Peraga Kampanye) yakni papan reklame atau billboard yang dipasang di jalan-jalan protokol yang bisa dilihat oleh masyarakat luas, pamflet, media massa, dan sebagainya. Media visual berupa foto sangat besar pengaruhnya mempengaruhi opini publik. Fotografi memiliki kekuatan visual yang mampu mengkonstruksi keotentikan peristiwa faktual. Tujuan dari penelitian ini untuk mengetahui bagaimana proses menjadikan fotografi sebagai media komunikasi visual politik di Indonesia. Metode yang digunakan deskriptif kualitatif dengan pendekatan melalui metode studi literatur. Hasil dari penelitian ini dapat disimpulkan bahwa proses menjadikan fotografi sebagai media politik komunikasi visual kepada masyarakat dilakukan dengan beberapa cara, yakni dengan merekrut khusus fotografer sendiri, mendesainnya, dan menyebarkannya. Efek pesan yang ditimbulkan dari sebuah fotografi dengan tampilan yang baik adalah efek pengetahuan dan efek informasi.Kata Kunci: Fotografi, Media Politik, Komunikasi Visual, Efek Pesan, Komunikasi Politik.

scholarly journals @Indonesiatanpafeminis.id as a Challenge of Feminist Movement in Virtual Space

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eni Maryani ◽  
Preciosa Alnashava Janitra ◽  
Reksa Anggia Ratmita
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Virtual Space ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
Media Platform ◽  
Dynamic Relationships

The fast-growing social media in Indonesia has opened up opportunities for spreading feminist ideas to a wider and more diverse audience. Various social media accounts especially Instagram that focus on gender advocacy and feminism such as @indonesiafeminis, @lawanpatriarki, and @feminismanis have developed in Indonesia. However, the development of the social media platform also presents groups that oppose feminists. One of the accounts of women’s groups that oppose feminists is @indonesiatanpafeminis.id (@indonesiawithoutfeminist.id). The research objectives are namely to analyze the diversity of issues and reveal the discourse contestation that developed in the @indonesiatanpafeminis.id, and dynamic relationships on the online and offline spaces between groups of feminists and anti-feminists or the other interest. This research employed the digital ethnography method that utilized observation, interview, and literature study as data collection techniques. This study found that the online conversations at @indonesiatanpafeminis.id revealed misconceptions on feminism from a group of women with a religious identity. Furthermore, the conversation also tends to strengthen patriarchal values with religious arguments that are gender-biased. However, the @indonesiatanpafeminis.id serves as a public space for open debates and education on feminist issues. The anti-feminist group behind the @indonesiatanpafeminis.id are women who identify themselves in a certain Muslim circle that has political, cultural, and religious agendas. One of the agendas is to influence the public to reject the Sexual Violence Eradication Bill. This study also noted the Muslim supporters of anti-feminism in Indonesia are less popular compared to progressive religious-based Muslim women organizations such as Aisyiyah (Muhammadiyah), Muslimat NU (Nahdlatul Ulama), and Rahima (Center for Education and Information on Islam and Women’s Rights). The study also evokes discussion on how the feminist and anti-feminist discourses can be utilized to criticize and develop the women’s movement or feminism in a multicultural context.

scholarly journals Prinsip-Prinsip Etika Kristiani Bermedia Sosial

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-68
Author(s):  
Simon Simon ◽  
Tan Lie Lie ◽  
Heppy Wenny Komaling
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Christian Ethics ◽  
Media Ethics ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
The Public ◽  
Study Approach ◽  
The People ◽  
At Will

Indonesian netizens are often labeled as social media users at will without heeding politeness when interacting. This assessment is further confirmed by a survey conducted by Microsoft,  that Medsos users are labeled as netizens with the worst politeness level for Southeast Asia scale. The predicate is certainly aimed at allreligius netizens without emphasizing certain beliefs. The low politeness indicates the lack of social media ethics applied by the people of the country. Ironically, Indonesia is known as areligius and civilized country, it seems invisible if you look at the behavior of netizens who are. The method used in this paper is descriptive qualitative method with a literature study approach. The description of this topic religion certainly teaches how politeness and politeness in the public space are displayed especially in social media, because politeness is an indikator we are called ethical or not. The principle of Christian ethics teaches that when using social media what a believer must do is not to do body shaming with other online media users, or not to comment racistically. Because God does not differentiate between fellow humans by loving one and not loving another just because humans are different physically, race or nation. The next principle of Christian ethics in social media is not to argue theologically and not to spit negative things. The goal is to avoid quarrels, let alone hate speech. Netizen Indonesia kerap di cap sebagai pengguna media sosial sesuka hati tanpa mengindahkan kesantunan ketika berinteraksi. Penilaian ini makin dipertegas melalui survei yang dilakukan oleh Microsoft,  bahwa pengguna Medsos dilabeli sebagai netizen dengan tingkat kesopanan paling buruk untuk skala Asia Tenggara. Predikat itu tentu ditujukan kepada semua netizen yang beragama tanpa menitik-beratkan keyakinan tertentu. Rendahnya kesopanan menandakan kurangnya etika bermedia sosial diterapkan oleh masyarakat tanah air. Ironisnya, Indonesia yang di kenal sebagai negara yang religius dan beradab, hal itu seakan tidak terlihat bila melihat perilaku netizen yang bar-bar. Metode yang digunakan dalam tulisan ini adalah metode kualitatif deskriftif dengan pendekatan studi kepustakaan. Uraian dari topik ini agama tentu mengajarkan bagaimana kesopanan dan kesantunan di ruang publik ditampilkan terlebih dalam bermedia sosial, karena kesopanan itu merupakan indikator kita di sebut beretika atau tidak. Prinsip etika Kristiani mengajarkan bahwa ketika bermedia sosial  yang  harus dilakukan orang Kristen  adalah tidak melakukanbody shaming kesesama pengguna media online, maupun tidak berkomentar secara rasis. Karena Allah tidak membeda-bedakan sesama manusia dengan mengasihi yang satu dan tidak mengasihi yang lain hanya karena manusia itu berbeda secara fisik, ras atau bangsa. Prinsip etika Kristiani berikutnya dalam bermedia sosial adalah tidak berdebat secara teologis dan tidak mengumbar hal negatif. Tujuannya  agar tidak terjadi pertengkaran apalagi ujaran kebencian.

Japanese Buddhism and the Public Sphere: From the End of World War II to the Post-Great East Japan Earthquake and Nuclear Power Plant Accident

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 203-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shimazono Susumu
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Nuclear Power ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Hanshin Earthquake

Abstract Until the 1990s, a commonly held view in Japan was that Buddhism had withdrawn from public space, or that Buddhism had become a private concern. Although Buddhist organizations conducted relief and support activities for the people affected at the time of the Great Hanshin Earthquake in 1995, they were often seen to be out of place, and little attention was given to them by the media. However recently there are areas in which Buddhism can be seen as playing new roles in the public sphere. Religious organizations seem to be expected to perform functions in fields that lie outside the narrow definition of religion. These expectations are becoming stronger among Buddhist organizations as well. In this paper, I describe some areas in the public sphere in which Buddhist groups are starting to play important roles including disaster relief, support of the poor and people without relatives, provision of palliative care and spiritual care, and involvement in environmental and nuclear plant issues.

Le marketing du Neuromarketing : Enjeux académiques d’un domaine de recherche controversé

2017 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 619-639 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Wannyn
Keyword(s):  
Social Science ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Consumer Behaviour ◽  
Scientific Field ◽  
Academic Field ◽  
The Public ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
The Media ◽  
Controversial Topic ◽  
Shifting Boundaries

Since the 1990s, a growing number of social science researchers collaborate in the creation of areas of research such as neurolaw, neuroeducation, neuroeconomy or neuromarketing. Sometimes referred to as ‘neurodisciplines’, these areas of research share a common postulate: the measure and analysis of the nervous system’s activity offers the possibility of discovering new ways of explaining human behaviour. Neuromarketing first appeared in the early 2000s and has developped in both university laboratories and private ones. Neuromarketers aim to understand consumer behaviour by applying neuroscientific theories and methods of measuring neurobiological activity to marketing questions. As a controversial topic, neuromarketing is critized in both the public space and academia. Some members of the media, some consumer associations and some neuromarketers see neuromarketing as having a more or less realistic power of persuasion (Lindstrom, 2009) while most neuroscientists qualify it as a scam or publicity stunt (Nature, 2004). Starting from bibliometric analysis of neuromarketing publications, we define the shifting boundaries of this area of research whose subject itself is still opened to debate. Building on Pierre Bourdieu’s work on the scientific field, we highlight the forces that shape this speciality both in and out of the academic field. Based on semidirective interviews, we demonstrate that neuromarketers have to develop discursive strategies to distance themselves from the controversial image of neuromarketing and adopt publication strategies in order to disseminate the results of their research in the scientific field.

Fear Control in Media Discourse

2013 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-219
Author(s):  
Davor Marko
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Media Discourse ◽  
Public Language ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
And Control

This article deals with how fear is misused in media discourse. Pursuing the claim that it is impossible to eliminate fear from the public sphere, this paper argues that fear control is a technique widely used by certain interest groups to generate and spread uncertainty among people in order to create an atmosphere in which their goals are easily reachable. This paper will discuss the concepts of discourse, hegemony, and power relations in order to show how public language (both written and spoken) in media discourse reflects, creates, and maintains power relations. In this sense, fear, which is a crucial “energizing fuel” of such public language, could be considered and further elaborated as both a contextual variable and as a tool for facilitating power relations by applying various techniques. Aiming to show how media use and control the nature and level of fear in public discourse, I will discuss two techniques – the commercialization of fear and the method of “othering.” While commercialization implies the mass (re)production and (re)appropriation of fear in a public space, “othering” has been applied when the object of reporting is an out-group individual or community and self-group is using the media as a tool for their negative portrayal, thus creating boundaries and provoking discrimination and violence. The case of Serbia will be used to indicate how techniques of “othering,” linked with the regime’s propaganda, may contribute to the creation of an atmosphere of fear, and make a people seek protection and become easy prey for manipulation.

scholarly journals The Mobile Phone & Its Impact In Teenagers`Daily Life

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 161
Author(s):  
Bujane Topalli
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Mobile Phone ◽  
Public Space ◽  
New Technology ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Social Functions ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Public ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
The Media

The mobile phone, as a medium has influenced the ways in which we can interact with other media. It is considered like a channel between traditional and new media. Its specific characteristics, social functions and also its uses may vary in different contexts and cultures. The mobile phone, has contributed in increasing the idea of personal media, and the emergence of new kinds of media behavior. According to Morley (2002), communication technologies transform and rearrange relations between the domestic and the public space. In particular, mobile communication functions to broaden the sphere of the home outside the physical household; to blur the boundaries between the public and private spheres. In this study we aim to discuss through the literature review the role of the phone in the everyday life, and to know more about the different ways and reasons why 12-15 year old teenagers, part of Municipality of Shkoder, use mobile phone. This qualitative research is based on semi structured interviews with children. The identified problems consist in: First: The children use more mobile phones in order to use the internet and social networks and this makes it really difficult for their parents to control them. This exposes more the children towards negative effect of internet usage. The second problem is that parents do not have enough knowledge on the usage of new technology. Third: Children have taken information about the risk of internet from the media or by friends and they haven't discussed about this subject at school with teachers.

scholarly journals The 2015 nationwide referendum in Poland memes

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-42
Author(s):  
Maria Marczewska
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Specific Problem ◽  
Research Process ◽  
Broad Sense ◽  
Media Discourse ◽  
The Public ◽  
Financial Costs ◽  
The Media

The aim of the article is to analyze memes associated with the nationwide referendum of 6 September 2015 in Poland. The memes are treated as part of the media discourse. Media discourse encompasses part of public discourse. In the broad sense, we are dealing with a collection of statements functioning in the public space and concerning a specific problem or its scope. There will be analyzed memes connected such issues as the reason/reasons for ordering the referendum, referendum questions, the financial costs incurred, and the referendum turnout. The article is divided into two parts: 1) theoretical consists of mem and referendum definition; 2) practical consists of the 6 September 2015 referendum in Poland in memes analyse. In the course of the research such questions will be answered: whether the memes became part of the general overtone of the discourse; whether they presented the main themes of the discourse and how they did this; which elements of the discourse were emphasized in the memes and which were omitted. In the research process the main themes of the discourse were distinguished, which were reflected in the memes.

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