scholarly journals Kebangkitan Kesultanan Ternate pada Era Reformasi 1998-2002

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Rustam Hasim ◽  
Oktosiyanti MT Abdullah ◽  
Siti Rahia H. Umar

 The elite revival of the Ternate Sultanate after the New Order illustrated how the palace group played a new role in staying in its position as a clan of power in the local sphere. In this case, the emergence of the elite of the Ternate Sultanate can be understood and interpreted in three respects. First, the rise of feudalistic power in the region to strengthen political position stemmed from cultural construction based on history and genealogical similarities. Second, the individual revival of the Sultan of Ternate MudafarSyah in the name of the Sultanate institution as his political vehicle. Third, there is the elite desire of the Ternate Sultanate to be more institutionally accommodated into the formal government political stage. This reality shows the political participation of the Ternate Sultanate in the post-independence domain of local politics until now, is an important field of historical research. As a historical phenomenon, the process of dynamics of local politics like this is interesting to study, because the Sultan of Ternate has long been a part of the history of politics in North Maluku. Also, there is an implicit message about how partial Indonesian political studies are if they only focus on the dynamics of national politics. In the case, there are several national political issues which can initially be pursued from the region and vice versa Kebangkitan elite Kesultanan Ternate pasca-Orde Baru mengambarkan bagaimana kelompok istana memainkan peran baru agar tetap berada pada posisinya sebagai pengenggam kekuasaan di ranah lokal. Dalam hal ini, apat dipahami bahwa ada tiga faktor yang menyebabkan kemunculan elit Kesultanan Ternate Pertama, bangkitnya kekuasaan feodalistik di daerah untuk memperkuat posisi politik bersumber dari konstruksi budaya yang berbasiskan pada sejarah masa lalu maupun kesamaan genealogis. Kedua, kebangkitan secara individual Sultan Ternate Mudafar Syah dengan mengatasnamakan institusi kesultanan sebagai kendaraan politiknya. Ketiga, adanya keinginan elite Kesultanan Ternate untuk lebih diakomodasikan secara institusional ke dalam panggung politik pemerintahan formal. Realitas  tersebut menunjukkan  partisipasi politik  Kesultanan Ternate dalam ranah politik lokal pasca-kemerdekaan hingga kini, merupakan sebuah bidang penelitian sejarah yang penting. Sebagai sebuah fenomena historis, proses dinamika politik lokal seperti ini menarik untuk diteliti, karena telah sejak lama para Sultan Ternate menjadi bagian dalam sejarah perpolitikan di Maluku Utara. Selain itu,  ada sebuah pesan implisit tentang betapa parsialnya kajian politik Indonesia bila hanya memfokuskan pada dinamika politik nasional saja. Pada hal ada beberapa persoalan politik nasional yang awalnya dapat diruntut  dari daerah dan begitu pula sebaliknya.

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-360
Author(s):  
Tito Handoko ◽  
Abdul Munir Mulkan ◽  
Mega Hidayati ◽  
Muhammad Azhar

In the Indonesian context, tarekat is seen as a social movement with a broad impact. Its existence and activity need to be paid attention to by the State, society, and other political infrastructure. Many experts have carried out the discourse on tarekat with various points of view. This study focuses on the socio-political sphere of tarekat and its movements in local Indonesian politics after the Soeharto Era using a qualitative approach with interpretive data analysis involving the informants who understand the tarekat activity in Rokan Hulu in depth. The emergence of spiritual organs with various ideological variants, visions, and missions indicates the strengthening of civil supremacy in Indonesia. As part of a religious civil society organization, the Naqsyabandiyah order can grow and exert a strong influence on the dynamics of Indonesian local democracy, especially in Rokan Hulu - Riau. The existence of this movement strengthens Bruinessen's argument about the tarekat as a "storehouse of sounds," whose symbolization of motion is described by the gesture and commands of the teacher. After the New Order, there was a shift in the political orientation of this group; the nature of taqlid to master teachers was only for religious matters, while on political issues, there was a shift in direction that was more directed at the individual interests of the congregation. Even so, the Naqsyabandiyah Rokan Hulu tarekat could still maintain its existence and political power.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
pp. 564
Author(s):  
Koray Üstün

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>In the light of the power concepts theorized by Michel Foucault, this article investigates Erdal Oz's novel Yaralisin (You’re Wounded). Foucault’s power structure that systematized in Subject and Power (1961), History of Sexuality (1984), Birth of Prison (1975), The Birth of Biopolitics (2004), has similarities with crime production that the novel reflects. Accordingly, individuals are being standardized in the prison through programs, strategies and technics that the power structure determined. In this process, there is no direct enforcement on the individual. The power structure connects the individual to itself through knowledge and body. In Oz’s novel the subject depending on space changing are being standardized and transformed into the “Nuri” character, as we read in the text. At the base of becoming standard individual through lost of identity, there is crime production. As for crime production, it takes shape in accordance with space. In the novel, space dependent suffering, inflicted on individuals, places the subject on a hierarchical plane, as Foucault has also indicated, and brings an end to existence. The power structure, cutting off the individual from his private space, taking him first into the interrogation room, and then to the prison, has made him a part of the system and has objectified him. The digestive effect of the power structure has become even more concrete with the presence of the second person narrator within the narrative plane; depersonalization has taken place within the new order.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Bu makalede Michel Foucault’un kuramsallaştırdığı iktidar kavramı ışığında Erdal Öz’ün <em>Yaralısın</em> romanı incelenmiştir. Foucault’nun <em>Özne ve İktidar </em>(1961),<em> Cinselliğin Tarihi </em>(1984)<em>, Hapishanenin Doğuşu </em>(1975)<em>, Biyopolitikanın Doğuşu</em> (2004) gibi kitaplarında sistemleştirdiği iktidar, romanda aktarılan suç üretimi ile paralellik taşımaktadır. Bireyler, iktidar tarafından belirlenen program, strateji ve tekniklerle hapishanelerde tek tipleştirilmektedir. Bu süreçte bireyler üzerine doğrudan bir yaptırım uygulanmaz; iktidar, bilgi ve beden yönetimi üzerinden bireyi kendine bağlar. Öz’ün romanında da uzamsal değişimlere bağlı olarak tekil özneler, tek tipleştirilerek metindeki karşılığıyla “Nuri”lere dönüşür. Bireyin kendi kimliğini yitirerek tek tipleşmesinin temelinde suç üretimi vardır. Suç üretimi ise uzama göre şekillenir. Romanda uzama göre değişen çektirilen azaplar, Foucault’un da belirttiği gibi özneyi hiyerarşik düzleme yerleştirir ve varoluşu sona erdirir. İktidar, özneyi kişisel mekânından ayırıp önce sorgu odasına ardından da hapishaneye götürerek onu düzenin bir parçası hâline getirmiş ve nesneleştirmiştir. İktidarın sindirici etkisi, anlatı düzlemindeki ikinci tekil anlatıcının varlığıyla daha da somutlaşmış; kurulan düzen içerisinde özne yitimi gerçekleşmiştir. </p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 83 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-44
Author(s):  
João Cancela

Understanding the roots of political engagement has been one of the critical tasks performed by students of comparative political behaviour. This paper adds to the literature by examining the determinants of political discussion about local and national affairs in Europe. A series of multilevel logit models are fitted to the data (n = 28,563 from 31 European countries) to test the individual and country level determinants of political discussion about local and national matters. At the individual level, we find that gender, the type of community, the type of civil society organisations people are members of, and their level of education affect the type of politics they engage with. At the macro level, citizens from countries with a higher economic development are more likely to engage in discussions about national affairs, while the impact of local government autonomy does not seem to make individuals more likely to engage in discussions about local politics. The findings suggest that if local politics is considered the share of politically disengaged citizens can be smaller than is typically estimated. The full range of democratic practice may thus remain underappreciated if non-national politics is left out of the picture in the study of political engagement.


2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (154) ◽  
pp. 210-229
Author(s):  
Macdara Dwyer

In the advertisement prefacing Charles O’Conor’s Dissertations on the antient history of Ireland (1753), the editor challenged an unnamed gentleman who had, apparently, smeared the good name of the author. The editor, Michael Reily (who went under the cognomen ‘Civicus’) was intricately involved in this dispute from its early stages and did not spare any criticism for the individual he deemed responsible, Dr John Fergus, the erstwhile friend and associate of both Reily and O’Conor. ‘A Gentleman of great Reputation’ alleged Reily, had branded O’Conor with ‘the meanest Species of Immorality’. The dispute did not centre on some esoteric point of Irish mythology or any disagreement over issues of interpretation. It was not even, at least not in any direct way, a rift over political issues regarding the penal laws and the status of papists in the Irish polity, a tendency quite prevalent among the fissiparous Catholic organisations and pugilistic personalities of this period. Rather, it was wholly concerned with those most pertinent aspects of existence for an eighteenth century gentlemen – credit and honour. The disagreement was about Newton’s Chronology and its application to the Irish annalistic corpus as a means of validating the latter – not about the principle of its applicability, nor regarding the minutiae of dates or similar arcana, but to who should gain the credit for appropriating Newton’s prestige to such a particularly Irish topic.


Author(s):  
V. Konstantynov

The research is dedicated to the study of methodological problem of emergence and evolution of the notion of “region” within political studies of international regional systems and institutions. Transformation of approaches and multiple aspect under investigation by the scholars who study international regionalism, define importance of terminology for these research endeavors. The notion of the region is central for understanding of the role of territory in research of international regionalism. Thus it is crucial to define directions and outcomes of transformations of the notion to succeed in studies of international political issues of regional systems. The article investigates evolution of the approaches to the term “region” from the first encounters made by political geographers to define international regions as a phenomenon of international relations research, to the emergence of specific research approaches by international relations scholars to the essence of region in the study of international issues, international regionalism and regionalisation. The very emergence of the international regionalism as a separate phenomenon within international relations area depend upon multiplicity of definitions of the region, elaborated by scholars throughout history of the discipline. The article uncovers link between the notion of the region in the international political research and evolution of approaches to the study of the phenomenon of international regionalism, multiple aspects of regionalism in international relations, complexity of the regionalism typology amid international cooperation evolution in different parts of international system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-117

Modern Lithuania developed consistently in response to external and internal challenges. During the rebirth of the modern nation in the 19th century several vectors emerged that constantly influenced intellectual discourses, politics, and resistance. First, there was the development of national ideology, which aimed at guaranteeing the rights of the Lithuanian nation to establish an independent state. Secondly, the direction of democracy became increasingly evident in the projection and development of the independent state. This article seeks to show the development and overlap of national ideology and democracy, highlighting the main challenges faced in the history of modern Lithuania, discussing the periods of interwar Lithuania, World War II, the Soviet occupation, and contemporary Lithuania, and describing the country’s political and ideological trajectories, including the local politics of history. By taking the concept of the nation as a “category of practice” one notices that nationalism became an important factor not only in the liberation from the occupying empires (Russia and the USSR), but also in justifying the new order in the new state or even when challenging democracy.


Crisis ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 265-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meshan Lehmann ◽  
Matthew R. Hilimire ◽  
Lawrence H. Yang ◽  
Bruce G. Link ◽  
Jordan E. DeVylder

Abstract. Background: Self-esteem is a major contributor to risk for repeated suicide attempts. Prior research has shown that awareness of stigma is associated with reduced self-esteem among people with mental illness. No prior studies have examined the association between self-esteem and stereotype awareness among individuals with past suicide attempts. Aims: To understand the relationship between stereotype awareness and self-esteem among young adults who have and have not attempted suicide. Method: Computerized surveys were administered to college students (N = 637). Linear regression analyses were used to test associations between self-esteem and stereotype awareness, attempt history, and their interaction. Results: There was a significant stereotype awareness by attempt interaction (β = –.74, p = .006) in the regression analysis. The interaction was explained by a stronger negative association between stereotype awareness and self-esteem among individuals with past suicide attempts (β = –.50, p = .013) compared with those without attempts (β = –.09, p = .037). Conclusion: Stigma is associated with lower self-esteem within this high-functioning sample of young adults with histories of suicide attempts. Alleviating the impact of stigma at the individual (clinical) or community (public health) levels may improve self-esteem among this high-risk population, which could potentially influence subsequent suicide risk.


This is the first book in English dedicated to the actress and director Tanaka Kinuyo. Praised as amongst the greatest actors in the history of Japanese cinema, Tanaka’s career spanned the industrial development of cinema - from silent to sound, monochrome to colour. Alongside featuring in films by Ozu, Mizoguchi, Naruse and Kurosawa, Tanaka was also the only Japanese woman filmmaker between 1953 and 1962, and her films tackled distinctly feminine topics such as prostitution and breast cancer. Because her career overlaps with a transformative period in Japan, especially for women, this close analysis of her fascinating life and work offers new perspectives into the Japanese history of women and classical era of national cinema. The first half of the book focuses on Tanaka as actress and analyses the elements and meanings associated with her star image, and her powerful embodiment of diverse, at times contradictory, ideological discourses. The second half is dedicated to Tanaka as director and explores her public image as filmmaker and her depiction of gender and sexuality against the national history in order to reflect on her role and style as author. With a special focus on the melodrama genre and on the sociopolitical and economic contexts of film production, the book offers a revision of theories of stardom, authorship, and women’s cinema. In examining Tanaka’s iconic reification of femininities in relation to politics, national identity, and memory, the chapters shed light on the cultural construction of female subjectivity and sexuality in Japanese popular culture.


Author(s):  
James McElvenny

This chapter sets the scene for the case studies that follow in the rest of the book by characterising the ‘age of modernism’ and identifying problems relating to language and meaning that arose in this context. Emphasis is laid on the social and political issues that dominated the era, in particular the rapid developments in technology, which inspired both hope and fear, and the international political tensions that led to the two World Wars. The chapter also sketches the approach to historiography taken in the book, interdisciplinary history of ideas.


Author(s):  
Rachel Ablow

The nineteenth century introduced developments in science and medicine that made the eradication of pain conceivable for the first time. This new understanding of pain brought with it a complex set of moral and philosophical dilemmas. If pain serves no obvious purpose, how do we reconcile its existence with a well-ordered universe? Examining how writers of the day engaged with such questions, this book offers a compelling new literary and philosophical history of modern pain. The book provides close readings of novelists Charlotte Brontë and Thomas Hardy and political and natural philosophers John Stuart Mill, Harriet Martineau, and Charles Darwin, as well as a variety of medical, scientific, and popular writers of the Victorian age. The book explores how discussions of pain served as investigations into the status of persons and the nature and parameters of social life. No longer conceivable as divine trial or punishment, pain in the nineteenth century came to seem instead like a historical accident suggesting little or nothing about the individual who suffers. A landmark study of Victorian literature and the history of pain, the book shows how these writers came to see pain as a social as well as a personal problem. Rather than simply self-evident to the sufferer and unknowable to anyone else, pain was also understood to be produced between persons—and even, perhaps, by the fictions they read.


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