scholarly journals Persistence of The Tarekat Naqsabandiyah in Local Politics of Indonesia Post New Order

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-360
Author(s):  
Tito Handoko ◽  
Abdul Munir Mulkan ◽  
Mega Hidayati ◽  
Muhammad Azhar

In the Indonesian context, tarekat is seen as a social movement with a broad impact. Its existence and activity need to be paid attention to by the State, society, and other political infrastructure. Many experts have carried out the discourse on tarekat with various points of view. This study focuses on the socio-political sphere of tarekat and its movements in local Indonesian politics after the Soeharto Era using a qualitative approach with interpretive data analysis involving the informants who understand the tarekat activity in Rokan Hulu in depth. The emergence of spiritual organs with various ideological variants, visions, and missions indicates the strengthening of civil supremacy in Indonesia. As part of a religious civil society organization, the Naqsyabandiyah order can grow and exert a strong influence on the dynamics of Indonesian local democracy, especially in Rokan Hulu - Riau. The existence of this movement strengthens Bruinessen's argument about the tarekat as a "storehouse of sounds," whose symbolization of motion is described by the gesture and commands of the teacher. After the New Order, there was a shift in the political orientation of this group; the nature of taqlid to master teachers was only for religious matters, while on political issues, there was a shift in direction that was more directed at the individual interests of the congregation. Even so, the Naqsyabandiyah Rokan Hulu tarekat could still maintain its existence and political power.

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Rustam Hasim ◽  
Oktosiyanti MT Abdullah ◽  
Siti Rahia H. Umar

 The elite revival of the Ternate Sultanate after the New Order illustrated how the palace group played a new role in staying in its position as a clan of power in the local sphere. In this case, the emergence of the elite of the Ternate Sultanate can be understood and interpreted in three respects. First, the rise of feudalistic power in the region to strengthen political position stemmed from cultural construction based on history and genealogical similarities. Second, the individual revival of the Sultan of Ternate MudafarSyah in the name of the Sultanate institution as his political vehicle. Third, there is the elite desire of the Ternate Sultanate to be more institutionally accommodated into the formal government political stage. This reality shows the political participation of the Ternate Sultanate in the post-independence domain of local politics until now, is an important field of historical research. As a historical phenomenon, the process of dynamics of local politics like this is interesting to study, because the Sultan of Ternate has long been a part of the history of politics in North Maluku. Also, there is an implicit message about how partial Indonesian political studies are if they only focus on the dynamics of national politics. In the case, there are several national political issues which can initially be pursued from the region and vice versa Kebangkitan elite Kesultanan Ternate pasca-Orde Baru mengambarkan bagaimana kelompok istana memainkan peran baru agar tetap berada pada posisinya sebagai pengenggam kekuasaan di ranah lokal. Dalam hal ini, apat dipahami bahwa ada tiga faktor yang menyebabkan kemunculan elit Kesultanan Ternate Pertama, bangkitnya kekuasaan feodalistik di daerah untuk memperkuat posisi politik bersumber dari konstruksi budaya yang berbasiskan pada sejarah masa lalu maupun kesamaan genealogis. Kedua, kebangkitan secara individual Sultan Ternate Mudafar Syah dengan mengatasnamakan institusi kesultanan sebagai kendaraan politiknya. Ketiga, adanya keinginan elite Kesultanan Ternate untuk lebih diakomodasikan secara institusional ke dalam panggung politik pemerintahan formal. Realitas  tersebut menunjukkan  partisipasi politik  Kesultanan Ternate dalam ranah politik lokal pasca-kemerdekaan hingga kini, merupakan sebuah bidang penelitian sejarah yang penting. Sebagai sebuah fenomena historis, proses dinamika politik lokal seperti ini menarik untuk diteliti, karena telah sejak lama para Sultan Ternate menjadi bagian dalam sejarah perpolitikan di Maluku Utara. Selain itu,  ada sebuah pesan implisit tentang betapa parsialnya kajian politik Indonesia bila hanya memfokuskan pada dinamika politik nasional saja. Pada hal ada beberapa persoalan politik nasional yang awalnya dapat diruntut  dari daerah dan begitu pula sebaliknya.


Res Publica ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-470
Author(s):  
Guido Dierickx

This contribution should be seen as an attempt to retrieve information from restcategories, such as «does not know» and «no answer».  From these, and from other data as well, we constructed 10, mostly summating, indexes of political ignorance. Among them is an index of objective ignorance, that is about political events, persons and situations.  The others aim at more subjective dimensions. Does the respondent feel informed about the political process : about government and party performance, partisan congeniality, modalities of voting, local politics social problems, political issues ?There seems to be some evidence in favor of the following hypotheses.1. The indexes tend to compensate each other: respondents who score low on one index, do not necessarily score low on the next one.2. I t is difficult to ascertain the validity of an index of objective ignorance. Moreover it does by no means express all the (relevant) dimensions of political information.3. A mong indexes of subjective ignorance one should distinguish between «policy» and «political» information ; the latter seems to refer to a situation where strictly political rules of the game, a.o. those of political conflict, prevail.4. Of all indexes the «political issues» index showed the most discriminating power, as well as the most expected associations.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Pyszczynski ◽  
Pelin Kesebir ◽  
Matt Motyl ◽  
Andrea Yetzer ◽  
Jacqueline M. Anson

We conceptualized ideological consistency as the extent to which an individual’s attitudes toward diverse political issues are coherent among themselves from an ideological standpoint. Four studies compared the ideological consistency of self-identified liberals and conservatives. Across diverse samples, attitudes, and consistency measures, liberals were more ideologically consistent than conservatives. In other words, conservatives’ individual-level attitudes toward diverse political issues (e.g., abortion, gun control, welfare) were more dispersed across the political spectrum than were liberals’ attitudes. Study 4 demonstrated that variability across commitments to different moral foundations predicted ideological consistency and mediated the relationship between political orientation and ideological consistency.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Muhammad Daud

Local election democracy has been instrumental in increasing the political partaicipation of society, to obtain local leaders who are elected democratically. Local election as mechanisms of local democracy in Indonesia, have an impact on voter behavior tendencies. This study aims to discuss the essence of the local election in the dynamics of local politics and democracy as well as its relationship with the trend of voter behavior. Based on the various theories and research, found that voting behavior is influenced by many factors, including sociological factors, psychological factors, economic factors and factors of mass media. These factors apparently also found in the implementation of the General Election in Indonesia and partaicularly in South Sulawesi.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Grünhage ◽  
Martin Reuter

Blatantly observable in the U.S. currently, the political chasm grows, representing a prototype of political polarization in most if not all western democratic political systems. Differential political psychology strives to trace back increasingly polarized political convictions to differences on the individual level. Recent evolutionary informed approaches suggest that interindividual differences in political orientation reflect differences in group-mindedness and cooperativeness. Contrarily, the existence of meaningful associations between political orientation, personality traits, and interpersonal behavior has been questioned critically. Here, we shortly review evidence showing that these relationships do exist, which supports the assumption that political orientation is deeply rooted in the human condition. Potential reasons for the premature rejection of these relationships and directions for future research are outlined and implications for refinements and extensions of evolutionary informed approaches are derived.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 297
Author(s):  
Muhammad Endy Saputro

The political dynamic of village in Indonesian New Order has two faces. On one<br />hand, it is conditioned by the feudalism of village’s leader which is monopolized<br />from one generation to other generations. On the other hand, religion can be an<br />alternative to challenge this feudalism. I explore this condition through an examination<br />of the role of kalebun (the village’s leader) and kiai in a non-pesantren<br />village in Madura, Indonesia. In Madura society, kiai and its pesantren take important<br />role in the process of Islamic institutionalization. Yet, in this case, the<br />absence of pesantren enforces the kiai to be counter-balance of the feudalism of<br />the kalebun. And, the kiai claims that this counter-balance is on behalf of democracy.<br />This article concludes with a discussion of the requirement of democracy in “Islamic” local politics as well as in search of good local governance in post<br />Indonesian New Order.<br />Dinamika politik desa pada masa Orde Baru menghadapi dua realitas antagonis.<br />Di satu sisi, pemerintahan desa dimonopoli oleh generasi tertentu yang melahirkan<br />rezim feodal. Seorang Muslim, di lain sisi, berpotensi menjadi elan vital perlawanan<br />terhadap feodalisme tersebut. Tulisan ini berupaya menggali dua kenyataan<br />tersebut melalui analisis kepemimpinan kalebun (kepala desa) dan kiai di sebuah<br />desa non-pesantren di Madura, Indonesia. Pada jamaknya, dalam masyarakat<br />Madura, kiai dan pesantren memiliki peranan penting dalam proses<br />institusionalisasi Islam. Namun, dalam studi ini, ketiadaan pesantren, membuat<br />kiai (dengan langgarnya) berusaha membendung arus feudalisme kalebun. Sebuah<br />temuan menarik bahwa perlawanan sang kiai tidak atas nama Islam, tetapi demi<br />tegaknya demokratisasi di desa.


2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Mohamad Yusuf

The fall of the New Order regime in May 1998 has brought about remarkable political shifts in the Indonesian government. A large number of laws and regulations were enacted during the first five years after the retirement of President Suharto, which indicates a serious attempt to change the political orientation of the State. Yusuf and Sterkens (2015) have investigated that more than 200 laws were enacted by Parliament during the first five years after the retirement of President Suharto. This also happens with laws on education, for instance Law No. 20/2003. Parliament’s approval on 20 June 2003 of Law No. 20/2003 concerning the national education system has raised many questions, specifically with regard to the aim of national education. The National Education, according to Law No. 20/2003, aims to develop students who have strong religious commitment (faithfulness) and religious devotion (piousness) to their own religion.


Res Publica ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-107
Author(s):  
Bruno De Wever

In Belgian historical research a lot of attention is given to local politics, also by the activities of local amateur historians. This research mostly bas a very limited scientific finality because the local political past is taken in isolation.  'Glocal history' requires representative data. Within a broader perspective one can consider the local political past in a global context. This 'global history' sees the local level as a field in which to analyze the political, social, economic and cultural developments in relation to each other. At the same time the local political sphere is considered a link between the individual citizen and higher political authorities. Local political structures act as a buffer between the citizen and (inter) national policy and are at the same time a grounds for experimentation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Dina Dyah Kusumayanti

This article aims at examining Pramudya Ananta Toer’s Buru Tetralogy. Many literary scholars have studied this tetralogy from the points of view of nationalism, posctolonialism, and feminism. However, this article presupposes that this tetralogy is conscpicuous especially regarding the political nuance of the ruling regime and some political issues encountered by the protagonist, Minke. Sosiology of literature is the approach underpinning the scrutiny of four novels incorporated in the tetralogy. Swingewood’s sociology of literature helps this current research to find any relation between the political and historical background of the novels and detils on the political issues found in them. Results show that some political agendas in the novel have proven equal to some political agendas under the Soeharto regim. Oligopoly and oligarchy in the novels which are practiced by the regim is an instance to this. This paper elucidated the regim’s political decisions and the political events confronted by Minke. Constraint of this research is on its textual examination of Pram’s tetralogy Buru. In order to investigate these literary texts and the historical political moments under Soeharto’s regime, further research on the historical and political events of the regime need to be elucidated and have to refer to the historical and political documents and medias.      Key words: Tetralogy Buru, sociology of literature, historical and political issues, Pramoedya Ananta Toer.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (53) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kasper Opstrup

From surrealism’s beginnings around a Parisian séance table, it oscillated between the occult and the political. One of its key methods, automatism, provided access to both the esoteric and the exoteric: it took form in the mid-19th century as a spiritualist technique for communicating with the other side while, simultanously, this other side could address political issues as equal rights, de-colonisation and a utopian future with an authority coming from beyond the individual. By tracing the development of automatism, the article shows how automatism in surrealism became a call for both a re-orientation of life and an institutional re-organisation by becoming a divination tool for a future community looking back to hermeticism to find a way forward. The article argues that not only can surrealism fruitfully be understood in the light of an occult revival in reaction to crises but, additionally, that it marks the return of and a reaction to a kind of magical thinking in the modern – due to waning religious and socio-economic orthodoxies – that echoes eerily into our own big data contemporary of social medias where we tend to substitute equations with associations.


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