Betting Behavior in Sexually Homogeneous and Heterogeneous Groups

1974 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 251-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard H. Bauer ◽  
James H. Turner

Groups of undergraduates, 4 males, 4 females, 3 males-1 female, or 3 females-1 male made bets in an individual condition (Phase I). One-half the groups were then transferred to a group condition in which Ss knew the bets of other group members and one-half continued to make bets in the individual condition (Phase II). In Phase I males were more risky than females. In Phase II Ss in the group condition were more risky than those in the individual condition and males were more risky than females in both the individual and group conditions. In the group condition males in all-male groups and with one female in the group shifted toward risk, but males with three females in the group shifted toward caution. In the group condition females in all-female groups were cautious, became slightly more risky with one male in the group, and showed a marked shift toward risk with three males in the group These results are similar to the Asch (1952) conformity studies and suggest that shifts toward risk or caution are due to conformity to group pressure.

2013 ◽  
Vol 112 (2) ◽  
pp. 375-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoshiko Arima

Two studies investigated the effect of shared knowledge, manipulated using associated or randomly ordered word lists, on the correlation between group remembering and group polarization. Group polarization due to accumulation of information was expected only if it was consistent with shared knowledge among group members (the knowledge shared among group members before discussion). Consistency of information with shared knowledge was manipulated by lists of words that were ordered either randomly or in a manner consistent along with four stereotype categories. In Experiment 1, 159 college students answered a questionnaire about the common stereotype that blood type determines personality; half were given lists of words that were consistent with the stereotype (consistent condition) and the other half, randomly ordered word lists (inconsistent condition). After completion of the questionnaire, they were given, a surprise free-recall test including words from the lists that had appeared in the questionnaire; the test was administered in a group (group condition) or individual (individual condition) setting. The results indicated that stereotype-consistency of the word list reduced the groups' ability to detect incorrect answers compared with the individual condition. In Experiment 2 ( N = 132), the divergence of memory among group members was manipulated by altering the constitution of each group with regard to members' blood type. The results showed that the shift in the score representing belief in the blood-type stereotype correlated with the number of words recalled in the stereotype-consistent word-list condition.


2011 ◽  
Vol 301 (1) ◽  
pp. R218-R224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan M. Murias ◽  
Matthew D. Spencer ◽  
John M. Kowalchuk ◽  
Donald H. Paterson

Older adults (O) may have a longer phase I pulmonary O2 uptake kinetics (V̇o2p) than young adults (Y); this may affect parameter estimates of phase II V̇o2p. Therefore, we sought to: 1) experimentally estimate the duration of phase I V̇o2p (EE phase I) in O and Y subjects during moderate-intensity exercise transitions; 2) examine the effects of selected phase I durations (i.e., different start times for modeling phase II) on parameter estimates of the phase II V̇o2p response; and 3) thereby determine whether slower phase II kinetics in O subjects represent a physiological difference or a by-product of fitting strategy. V̇o2p was measured breath-by-breath in 19 O (68 ± 6 yr; mean ± SD) and 19 Y (24 ± 5 yr) using a volume turbine and mass spectrometer. Phase I V̇o2p was longer in O (31 ± 4 s) than Y (20 ± 7 s) ( P < 0.05). In O, phase II τV̇o2p was larger ( P < 0.05) when fitting started at 15 s (49 ± 12 s) compared with fits starting at the individual EE phase I (43 ± 12 s), 25 s (42 ± 10 s), 35 s (42 ± 12 s), and 45 s (45 ± 15 s). In Y, τV̇o2p was not affected by the time at which phase II V̇o2p fitting started (τV̇o2p = 31 ± 7 s, 29 ± 9 s, 30 ± 10 s, 32 ± 11 s, and 30 ± 8 s for fittings starting at 15 s, 25 s, 35 s, 45 s, and EE phase I, respectively). Fitting from EE phase I, 25 s, or 35 s resulted in the smallest CI τV̇o2p in both O and Y. Thus, fitting phase II V̇o2p from (but not constrained to) 25 s or 35 s provides consistent estimates of V̇o2p kinetics parameters in Y and O, despite the longer phase I V̇o2p in O.


1978 ◽  
Vol 43 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1071-1076
Author(s):  
G. Karnas

A test of 6 training and 20 main problems elaborated on a model similar to the model which underlies water-jar problems is described. The training problems and instructions require that each problem may have more than one solution. The 20 main problems can be solved by the same formula (set solution), but 10 of these problems (the test problems) can also be solved by a shorter formula (non-set solution). The score is the number of non-set solutions for the 10 test problems. A comparison between an individual condition of testing for 21 subjects and a collective condition (40 subjects tested in a group) shows a significant difference in frequency distributions of scores. More subjects gave a small number of non-set solutions in the group condition than in the individual condition. For the two conditions, data show significantly more non-set solutions to the last test problems than to the first test problems.


2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 147470491201000 ◽  
Author(s):  
Drew H. Bailey ◽  
Benjamin Winegard ◽  
Jon Oxford ◽  
David C. Geary

Men's but not women's investment in a public goods game varied dynamically with the presence or absence of a perceived out-group. Three hundred fifty-four (167 male) young adults participated in multiple iterations of a public goods game under intergroup and individual competition conditions. Participants received feedback about whether their investments in the group were sufficient to earn a bonus to be shared among all in-group members. Results for the first trial confirm previous research in which men's but not women's investments were higher when there was a competing out-group. We extended these findings by showing that men's investment in the in-group varied dynamically by condition depending on the outcome of the previous trial: In the group condition, men, but not women, decreased spending following a win (i.e., earning an in-group bonus). In the individual condition, men, but not women, increased spending following a win. We hypothesize that these patterns reflect a male bias to calibrate their level of in-group investment such that they sacrifice only what is necessary for their group to successfully compete against a rival group.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lukas Spieß ◽  
Harold Bekkering

Meaningful social interactions rest upon our ability to accurately infer and predict other people’s preferences. In doing so, we can separate two sources of information: knowledge we have about the particular individual (individual knowledge) and knowledge we have about the social group to which that individual belongs (categorical knowledge). However, it is yet unclear how these two types of knowledge contribute to making predictions about other people’s choice behavior. To fill this gap, we had participants learn probabilistic preferences by predicting object choices of agents that either belonged to a social group (Group condition) or not (Individual condition). We quantified how close predictions for a specific agent are relative to the objective individual preferences of that agent and how close these predictions are relative to the objective group-level preferences to which that agent belongs. As expected, we found that participants’ predictions in the Group condition, relative to the Individual condition, were more similar to the group-level preference, while less similar to the individual-level preferences. We interpret this pattern of results as indicative of a differential weighting of individual and categorical group knowledge when making predictions about individuals that belong to a social group. The results are interpreted in an assimilation account of categorization and stress the importance of group knowledge during daily social interactions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-172
Author(s):  
Kailynn DeRonde ◽  
Claire Palmer ◽  
Jane Gralla ◽  
Kevin Poel

Background: Currently, there is no validated objective rating system to address the acuity of medication orders that pharmacists review. Objective: The objective was to assess the acuity of a given medication through creating and validating an acuity scoring tool. Methods: Phase I included the development of the medication acuity scoring tool (MAST) from national safety standards and clinical experience. A survey was administered to pharmacists nationwide to establish a consensus on the individual components of the tool and their associated weighted scores. Phase II was designed to assess MAST's predictive validity by comparing a medication acuity rating generated by MAST to a rating assigned based upon clinical experience of experts. Additionally, in phase II, interrater and intrarater reliability of MAST was evaluated. Results: In phase I, most of MAST’s components and their associated scores achieved >75% agreement for inclusion in the final tool. In phase II, without MAST, approximately 50% of pharmacist-assigned acuity ratings were statistically consistent with tool-generated acuity ratings, and there was fair agreement between respondents (k=0.31). With the use of MAST, agreement in acuity ratings improved to substantial (k=0.69), and intrarater reliability was almost perfect (k=0.88). Conclusion: MAST is a validated rating system that captures the acuity of medications.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Leo Chang

This study aims to determine whether being in a group setting makes lying easier through the diffusion of responsibility. Participants in three separate conditions, two paired and one isolated control, were asked to roll dice and report results. Participants also had the incentive of earning extra money if the reported number was a four, regardless of the truthfulness of the response. The results showed that participants overwhelmingly reported rolling a four, statistically indicating that many chose to lie. Additionally, one of the two group conditions proved to have significantly higher rates of reported lying than the individual condition (with the other group condition directionally higher but not significantly). The findings suggest that people are more likely to engage in immoral behavior when placed in a group setting as opposed to when acting independently.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey E. Harris

AbstractWe tracked the course of the COVID-19 epidemic among the approximately 300 communities comprising Los Angeles County. The epidemic, we found, had three distinct phases. During Phase I, from early March through about April 4, initial seeding of infection in relatively affluent areas was followed by radial geographic extension to adjoining communities. During Phase II, lasting until about July 11, COVID-19 cases continued to rise at a slower rate, and became increasingly concentrated in four geographic foci of infection across the county. Those communities with larger reductions in social mobility during April - as measured by the proportion of smartphones staying at home and number of smartphones visiting a gym - reported fewer COVID-19 cases in May. During Phase III, COVID-19 incidence only gradually declined, remaining as high as the incidence seen at the end of Phase I. Across communities, the prevalence of households at high risk for intergenerational transmission was strongly correlated with the persistence of continued COVID-19 propagation. This association was even stronger in those communities with a higher rate of gym attendance in Phase II. The map of the prevalence of at-risk households in Los Angeles County coincided strikingly with the map of cumulative COVID-19 incidence. These findings, taken together, support the critical role of household structure in the persistent propagation of COVID-19 infections in Los Angeles County. Public health policy needs to be reoriented from a focus on protecting the individual to a focus on protecting the household.


Praxis ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 107 (17-18) ◽  
pp. 951-958 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthias Wilhelm

Zusammenfassung. Herzinsuffizienz ist ein klinisches Syndrom mit unterschiedlichen Ätiologien und Phänotypen. Die überwachte Bewegungstherapie und individuelle körperliche Aktivität ist bei allen Formen eine Klasse-IA-Empfehlung in aktuellen Leitlinien. Eine Bewegungstherapie kann unmittelbar nach Stabilisierung einer akuten Herzinsuffizienz im Spital begonnen werden (Phase I). Sie kann nach Entlassung in einem stationären oder ambulanten Präventions- und Rehabilitationsprogramm fortgesetzt werden (Phase II). Typische Elemente sind Ausdauer-, Kraft- und Atemtraining. Die Kosten werden von der Krankenversicherung für drei bis sechs Monate übernommen. In erfahrenen Zentren können auch Patienten mit implantierten Defibrillatoren oder linksventrikulären Unterstützungssystemen trainieren. Wichtiges Ziel der Phase II ist neben muskulärer Rekonditionierung auch die Steigerung der Gesundheitskompetenz, um die Langzeit-Adhärenz bezüglich körperlicher Aktivität zu verbessern. In Phase III bieten Herzgruppen Unterstützung.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Ayres ◽  
Alessandro Romano ◽  
Chiara Sotis

BACKGROUND Due to network effects, Contact Tracing Apps (CTAs) are only effective if many people download them. However, the response to CTAs has been tepid. For example, in France less than 2 million people (roughly 3% of the population) downloaded the CTA. Consequently, CTAs need to be fundamentally rethought to increase their effectiveness. OBJECTIVE This study aimed to show that CTAs can still play a key role in containing the pandemic, provided that they take into account insights from behavioral sciences. Moreover, we study whether emphasizing the virtues of CTA to induce people to download them makes app users engage in more risky behaviors (risk compensation theory) and whether feedback on a user’s behavior affects future behaviors. METHODS We perform a double-blind online experiment (n=1500) divided in two phases. In Phase I respondents are randomly assigned to one of three different groups: Pros of the app, Pros and Cons of the app and Control I. Respondents in the Pros group were shown information on the advantages of CTAs. Participants in the Pros and Cons group were shown information on both the advantages and the problems that characterize CTAs. Last, respondents in the Control I group were not given any information on CTAs. All participants are then asked how worried they are about the pandemic, how likely they are to download the app, and on how they intend to behave (e.g. attend small and large gathering, wear a mask, etc.). A week later we carried out Phase II. Participants in Phase II were randomly assigned to different in-app notifications in which they were informed on how much risk they were taking compared to the average user. We then ask participants their intentions for future behaviors to investigate whether these notifications were effective in making respondents more prudent. RESULTS All 1500 participants completed phase I of the experiment, whereas 1303 (86.9%) completed also phase 2. The main findings are: i) informing people on the pros of the app make them less worried about the pandemic (p=.004), ii) informing people about both the pros and the cons of the app makes them more likely to download the app (p=.07); iii) carefully devised in-app notification induce people to state that they will: attend less large gatherings (p= .05) and less small gatherings (p= .001), see less people at risk (p=.004), that they stay more at home (p=.006) and wear more often the mask (p=.09). We do not find support for the risk-compensation theory. CONCLUSIONS we suggest that CTAs should be re-framed as Behavioral Feedback Apps (BFAs). The main function of BFAs would be providing users with information on how to minimize the risk of contracting COVID-19, e.g. to provide information on how crowded a store is likely to be at a given time of the day. Moreover, the BFA could have a rating system that allows users to flag stores that do not respect safety norms, such as mandating customers to wear a mask or not respecting social distancing. These functions can inform the behavior of app users, thus playing a key role in containing the spread of the virus even if a small percentage of people download the BFA. While effective contact tracing is impossible when only 3% of the population downloads the app, less risk taking by small portions of the population can produce large benefits. BFAs can be programmed so that users can also activate a tracing function akin to the one currently carried out by CTAs. Making contact tracing an ancillary, opt-in function might facilitate a wider acceptance of BFAs.


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