The Legal and Empirical Case for Firearm Purchaser Licensing

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (S4) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Hannah Abelow ◽  
Cassandra Crifasi ◽  
Daniel Webster
Keyword(s):  
Violence Prevention ◽  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
State Government ◽  
State Level ◽  
Evidence Base ◽  
Federal Courts ◽  
Gun Violence ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Racial Justice ◽  
Legal Frameworks

This article argues that state government actors concerned about gun violence prevention should prioritize enactment of robust firearm purchaser regimes at the state level. First, the article outlines the empirical evidence base for purchaser licensing. Then, the article describes how state governments can design this policy. Next, the article assesses the likelihood that purchaser licensing legislation will continue to be upheld by federal courts. Finally, the article addresses the implications of this policy, aimed at curbing gun deaths, for equally important racial justice priorities. Taken together, these various considerations indicate that purchaser licensing policies are among the most effective firearm-focused laws state governments can enact to reduce gun deaths within the existing federal legislative and legal frameworks.

scholarly journals Abolitionist John Brown's Treason against the Commonwealth of Virginia: A Lesson for State Governments about the Culpability of Non-Residents for Treason against the State

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
James A. Beckman
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
State Government ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Criminal Prosecution ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Southern States ◽  
The North ◽  
John Brown ◽  
North And South

Abstract This article analyzes the specific issue of whether an individual could be tried for treason by a State government if that individual is not a resident or citizen of that State. This issue is analyzed through the prism of the landmark case of John Brown v. Commonwealth of Virginia, a criminal prosecution which occurred in October 1859. Brown, a resident of New York, was convicted of treason against the Commonwealth of Virginia, insurrection, and murder after he attempted to overthrow the institution of slavery by force on October 16–18, 1859. After a prosecution and trial which occurred within a matter of weeks following Brown's crimes, Brown was executed on December 2, 1859. To this day, John Brown's trial and execution remains one of the leading examples of a State government exercising its power to enforce treason law on the State level and to execute an individual for that offense. Of course, the John Brown case had a major impact on American history, including being a significant factor in the presidential election of 1860 and an often-cited spark to the powder keg of tensions between the Northern and Southern States, which would erupt into a raging conflagration between the North and South in the American Civil War a short eighteen months later. However, in the legal realm, the Brown case is one of the leading and best-known examples of a state government exercising its authority to enforce its laws prohibiting treason against the State. The purpose of this article is not to discuss treason laws generally or even all the issues applicable to John Brown's trial in 1859. Rather, this article focuses only on the very specific issue of the culpability of a non-resident/non-citizen for treason against a State government. With the increased array of hostile actions against State governments in recent years, and criminal actors crossing state lines to commit these hostile acts, this article discusses an issue of importance to contemporary society, namely whether an individual can be prosecuted and convicted for treason by a State of which the defendant is not a citizen or resident.

scholarly journals The COVID States Project #20: Public opinion around federal and state reactions to COVID-19

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lazer ◽  
Alexi Quintana ◽  
Jon Green ◽  
Katherine Ognyanova ◽  
Hanyu Chwe ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
State Government ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Prefer State ◽  
Consistent Picture

In every month, April through October of 2020, we surveyed individuals in every state about how federal and state governments are reacting to the pandemic. We found a remarkably consistent picture of public opinion: respondents prefer state governments over the federal government when it comes to COVID-19. Out of 8 waves in 50 states & DC − a total of 408 surveys at the state level − in 402 state-level surveys more people in the state felt the state government was reacting “about right” to the COVID-19 outbreak as compared to the federal government; and only 6 times did people in a state choose the federal government over their state government.

Second Amendment Sanctuaries: A Legally Dubious Protest Movement

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (S4) ◽  
pp. 105-111
Author(s):  
Erica Turret ◽  
Chelsea Parsons ◽  
Adam Skaggs
Keyword(s):  
Violence Prevention ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Gun Violence ◽  
Protest Movement ◽  
Second Amendment ◽  
Counter Narrative ◽  
Legal Perspective ◽  
Local Officials ◽  
Gun Laws

This article assesses the origins and spread of the Second Amendment sanctuary movement in which localities pass ordinances or resolutions that declare their jurisdiction's view that proposed or enacted state (or federal) gun safety laws are unconstitutional and therefore, local officials will not implement or enforce them. While it is important to assess Second Amendment sanctuaries from a legal perspective, it is equally as important to understand them in the context of a broader protest movement against any efforts to strengthen gun laws. As the gun violence prevention movement has gained strength across the United States, particularly at the state level, gun rights enthusiasts have turned to Second Amendment sanctuaries in order to create a counter narrative to the increasing political power of gun safety. By passing these ordinances or resolutions, local officials legitimize and fuel Second Amendment absolutism which poses real risks to public safety and democracy.

BTR Ltd., Rampur, U P

1988 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 61-63
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
State Level ◽  
Associate Professor ◽  
Raw Material ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Regulatory Policies ◽  
Is Research ◽  
Public And Private Sector

BTR, a manufacturer of turpentine oil and rosin, is a member of a consortium of eight state-level public sector units in Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh and Jammu & Kashmir. The Consortium fixes uniform selling prices for the members' output�rosin and turpentine oil. BTR's competitors are public and private sector units and importers of rosin. Supply and prices of resin, the main raw material, are regulated by each state government based on availability and cost of collection, which vary considerably. The managing director of BTR wonders whether BTR should continue its membership of the Consortium. The case raises many other issues: what objectives can and should the Consortium serve? what are the objectives served by the regulatory policies of the state governments? Will getting out of the Consortium help achieve BTR or state government objectives? Gurdev Singh is Associate Professor and S R Asokan is Research Assistant at the Centre for Management in Agriculture, Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad.

scholarly journals Is Human Capital Related to Voluntary Turnover in U.S. State Governments? Evidence from the State of Oklahoma

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Andrew Wesemann
Keyword(s):  
Human Capital ◽  
Public Sector ◽  
Private Sector ◽  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
State Government ◽  
Capital Stock ◽  
Voluntary Turnover ◽  
The State ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Public Sector Organizations

Building and retaining human capital stock is critical for organizational success and survival. These two practices, however, may inadvertently be at odds with one another. That is, as organizations seek to increase their human capital stock, through both internal and external strategies, they may also unintentionally increase their risk of voluntary turnover. Research has found support for this relationship in the private sector, yet empirical evidence for such a correlation among public sector organizations is nonexistent. This article, therefore, contributes to the understanding of whether the postulated relationship between human capital and voluntary turnover is generalizable to public sector entities, specifically focusing on U.S. state government. Using longitudinal workforce data from the State of Oklahoma, results of econometric analysis demonstrate that this organizational phenomenon transcends sector boundaries.

Applicability of management guidelines for surfing resources in California

Shore & Beach ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 53-64
Author(s):  
Edward Atkin ◽  
Dan Reineman ◽  
Jesse Reiblich ◽  
David Revell
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
National Level ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Management Guidelines ◽  
For Profit ◽  
Aotearoa New Zealand ◽  
Coastal Marine ◽  
Management Measures ◽  
Legal Frameworks

Surf breaks are finite, valuable, and vulnerable natural resources, that not only influence community and cultural identities, but are a source of revenue and provide a range of health benefits. Despite these values, surf breaks largely lack recognition as coastal resources and therefore the associated management measures required to maintain them. Some countries, especially those endowed with high-quality surf breaks and where the sport of surfing is accepted as mainstream, have recognized the value of surfing resources and have specific policies for their conservation. In Aotearoa New Zealand surf breaks are included within national environmental policy. Aotearoa New Zealand has recently produced Management Guidelines for Surfing Resources (MGSR), which were developed in conjunction with universities, regional authorities, not-for-profit entities, and government agencies. The MGSR provide recommendations for both consenting authorities and those wishing to undertake activities in the coastal marine area, as well as tools and techniques to aid in the management of surfing resources. While the MGSR are firmly aligned with Aotearoa New Zealand’s cultural and legal frameworks, much of their content is applicable to surf breaks worldwide. In the United States, there are several national-level and state-level statutes that are generally relevant to various aspects of surfing resources, but there is no law or policy that directly addresses them. This paper describes the MGSR, considers California’s existing governance frameworks, and examines the potential benefits of adapting and expanding the MGSR in this state.

The Democratic and Republican Governors Associations and the Nationalization of American Party Politics, 1961–1968

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Anthony Sparacino
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
State Level ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
State Governments ◽  
National Party ◽  
Government Programs ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Party Building ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
American Party

Abstract This article examines the origins and early activities of the Democratic and Republican Governors Associations (DGA and RGA, respectively) from the RGA's initial founding in 1961 through the 1968 national nominating conventions. I argue that the formations of these organizations were key moments in the transition from a decentralized to a more integrated and nationally programmatic party system. The DGA and RGA represent gubernatorial concern for and engagement in the development of national party programs and the national party organizations. Governors formed these groups because of the increasing importance of national government programs on the affairs of state governments and the recognition on the part of governors that national partisan politics was having critical effects on electoral outcomes at the state level, through the reputations of the national parties. To varying extents, the governors used these organizations to promote the national parties and contributed to national party-building efforts and the development of national party brands.

scholarly journals Through what mechanisms do protected areas affect environmental and social outcomes?

2015 ◽  
Vol 370 (1681) ◽  
pp. 20140267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul J. Ferraro ◽  
Merlin M. Hanauer
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Data ◽  
Protected Areas ◽  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Strong Evidence ◽  
Protected Area ◽  
Evidence Base ◽  
Social Outcomes ◽  
Causal Effects ◽  
The Past ◽  
Made In

To develop effective protected area policies, scholars and practitioners must better understand the mechanisms through which protected areas affect social and environmental outcomes. With strong evidence about mechanisms, the key elements of success can be strengthened, and the key elements of failure can be eliminated or repaired. Unfortunately, empirical evidence about these mechanisms is limited, and little guidance for quantifying them exists. This essay assesses what mechanisms have been hypothesized, what empirical evidence exists for their relative contributions and what advances have been made in the past decade for estimating mechanism causal effects from non-experimental data. The essay concludes with a proposed agenda for building an evidence base about protected area mechanisms.

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