scholarly journals Diasporic Politics and Defining Diaspora in Law: The Case of Latvia

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-72
Author(s):  
Ieva Birka ◽  
Agnese Lāce

Abstract Passage of the Diaspora Law of Latvia required policymakers to go through an arduous process of discussing the limitations of diaspora, weighing the potential risks and benefits of various possible approaches, and ultimately agreeing on a definition to be included in the law. The end result was a very broad interpretation of who can be recognized as part of the Latvian diaspora. In this paper, to understand the political process of arriving at a definition, the theoretical perspectives of the ‘narrow’ and ‘broad’ definitions of diaspora are discussed, the motivations driving national governments to engage with their diasporas are analysed, and the discourse used during the drafting process is reviewed.

2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrienne Fricke

Between 1976 and 1991, central Beirut, repository of centuries of historic structures, was substantially destroyed by civil war. In 1994, a private company known by its French acronym Solidère was created by government decree and given the task of reconstructing the center of Beirut. Despite political problems, the Solidère project brought the hope of social recovery through economic renewal; yet progress should not come at the cost of memory.How can Beirut, destroyed, be a site of both recovery and erasure? Even though traditional legal and political discourses acknowledge that cultural heritage holds a powerful position in reconstruction, there are few tools for capturing its functions. Using heuristics originally employed in archeology and art history, this article addresses psychological aspects of reconstruction by discussing contemporary Lebanese art. If culture is defined not only as what people do buthow they make sense of what they have done, the enormity of the political problems of post–civil war reconstruction become clear. National governments hoping to consolidate authority would do well to consider how best to approach public places resonant with emotionally charged memories.Policymakers should consider the complex benefits of negative heritage in drafting laws that will enable its protection. Legal reform carried out with the goal of balanced heritage policies that accommodate negative heritage is key for postconflict urban spaces. By acknowledging the weight of the past, such policies would also bolster confidence in the emergent government and the political process.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Enahoro Assay

In some climes, the electoral law places a limit on the amount political parties and candidates can spend during campaigns. But very often, contestants and their parties flout the law on campaign funds limit especially in evolving democracies where the implementation of the law is weak. And this has prompted stakeholders in the political process to urgently canvass for the tracking of campaign funds by Election Management Bodies (EMBs). In Nigeria, despite the existence of a law which requires political parties to make public their campaign spending and submit same to the Independent National Electoral Commission for scrutiny, there appears to be a zero compliance with the Electoral Act. Political parties' non-compliance with the provisions of the law has placed INEC in a precarious situation as far as the tracking of campaign funds is concerned. It is against this backdrop that this chapter proffers solutions and recommends ways to make the electoral umpire live up to its responsibilities.


to-ra ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 603
Author(s):  
Tomson Situmeang

Abstract   The country will progress if it successfully carries out the development of 2 (two) main factors, namely: “natural resources” and “human resources”. Indonesia, with its abundant natural resources, is not even among the 10 (ten) highest income countries in Asia. This is due to the corrupt behavior of officials (state) in Indonesia by abusing the position or position obtained, one of them through the political process. Such people are no longer fit to return to political office, so their political rights must be revoked. Revocation of political rights is indeed accepted and recognized in Indonesian law, namely in the provisions of Article 28J of the 1945 Constitution and Article 73 of the Human Rights Law which mandates limitations to the provisions of the law. In addition, there are provisions in Article 10 of the Criminal Code jo. Article 35 of the Criminal Code jo. Article 38 of the Criminal Code jo. Article 18 Corruption Law can be carried out by a judge’s decision. Therefore, revocation of the political rights of convicts of criminal acts of corruption can be done forever, provided that they are stipulated in the provisions of the law by including corruption in the category of disgraceful acts.   Keywords: pencabutan hak politik, tindak pidana korupsi, perbuatan tercela


Author(s):  
Barry Buzan

The caracas meeting was only the first of three, or possibly four, sessions of the Third Law of the Sea Conference that will try to bridge the gap between the rambling six volume result of the Seabed Committee’s work and the concise articles of a new Law of the Sea Convention. The work at Caracas did not reach a stage at which it became possible to submit draft articles for the approval of the Conference. As a result, the final documents of the session made no commitment on any matters of substance. Such movement towards agreement as was achieved is therefore not binding, and is extremely vulnerable to changes of position by states in the six months preceding the next session in Geneva. Because of this, the emphasis of the present report will be more on the political process at Caracas than on the development of international law. My purpose is, first, to examine the new proposals on seabed issues and relate them to previously existing positions; second, to analyse the alignments behind the key positions; and third, to look at the other factors emerging as influences on the seabed negotiations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 130
Author(s):  
Sulistyowati Sulistyowati

The dynamic changes in the Law on Election for Governors, Regents, and Mayors prove that there are dynamics and progressiveness in the implementation of Pilkada. The process of the birth of laws, including the process of the birth of amendments to the Law, is a legal political process. The legal political process is under the authority of the legislator. The approach method used is normative juridical method. The power of legislators in the political and legal process is not absolute, because the government also has a domain of authority, although not as big as the authority of legislators. The result states that The legal political process always rests on the principle of normative democracy as the embodiment of the das sollen principle. At the level of implementation of the rule of law, there will always be legal anomalies, because there is a mismatch between normative democracy as the embodiment of the basic principle with empirical democracy as the embodiment of the basic sein principle. The legitimacy of a single candidate in Law Number 10 of 2016 concerning the Election of Governors, Regents, and Mayors makes the preferences of political parties increasingly pragmatism.


1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-41 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractEthnic conflict, as illustrated by the cases of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Northern Ireland, and Sri Lanka, has been difficult to negotiate due to the power asymmetries involved and the general belief of national governments that such issues should be solved through the political process. Although external, ethnic-linked groups can help address some of the problems of power asymmetry, they can also complicate the process. Changing power structures in an increasingly multicentric world may create an environment in which successful resolution of ethnic violence becomes more likely, but democracy impacts both positively and negatively upon such an outcome.


Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 167-188
Author(s):  
Abdu Mukhtar Musa

As in most Arab and Third World countries, the tribal structure is an anthropological reality and a sociological particularity in Sudan. Despite development and modernity aspects in many major cities and urban areas in Sudan, the tribe and the tribal structure still maintain their status as a psychological and cultural structure that frames patterns of behavior, including the political behavior, and influence the political process. This situation has largely increased in the last three decades under the rule of the Islamic Movement in Sudan, because of the tribe politicization and the ethnicization of politics, as this research reveals. This research is based on an essential hypothesis that the politicization of tribalism is one of the main reasons for the tribal conflict escalation in Sudan. It discusses a central question: Who is responsible for the tribal conflicts in Sudan?


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