scholarly journals THE STRUGGLE OF IDEAS AND «THE NEW TURKEY»

2016 ◽  
pp. 22-31
Author(s):  
V. A. Nadein-Raevskiy
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The Future ◽  
Hizmet Movement ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Said Nursi ◽  
Ruling Party

A famous Islamic philosopher Fethullah Gulen backed up the nowadays president Erdogan in the beginning of creation of his Justice & Development Party (AKP). Gulen though backed up Erdogan criticized some of his actions. He was against the "Freedom Flotilla" that was sent be Erdogan to raise the blockade of Gaza sector. He visited the Roma Pope while defending the idea of the "Dialog of civilizations" and was sharply criticized for this visit by the Islamists. In 2013 he criticized Erdogan for the police attacks against mass demonstrations of protest in Istanbul. Besides he sharply criticized corruption of the AKP officials. Erdogan was irritated by this criticism. In spite of many common ideas of contemporary «moderated Moslems» - the supporters of Erdogan and followers of Gulen severe inter-political struggle among them lead to massive attacks against gulenist's "Hizmet" Movement and Nurcilar (Nur movement - the followers of anti-secular cleric Said Nursi). In respond "Hizmet" started a broad campaign against corruption and nepotism among the Erdogan's supporters. The latter charged gulenists in conspiracy activities against the ruling party and "betrayal of Turkey". They closed gulenist's educational schools and started the cleansing campaign against "Hizmet" in the state structures. This struggle may influence on the ideologic basement and the future of Turkey.

scholarly journals From Bucharest to Prespa: Macedonian naming dispute in 2008–2018

2021 ◽  
pp. 207-232
Author(s):  
Evgenii A. Koloskov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Negative Potential ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Second Stage ◽  
Key Points ◽  
The Future ◽  
Main Factors ◽  
Ruling Party

The article is devoted to the second stage of the Macedonian naming dispute. I continue my research on the actual memory war between Athens and Skopje. The article focuses on the period from the 2008 NATO summit in Bucharest to the signing of the Prespan Agreement in 2018. I research the key points, the main factors of the conflict, especially the role of the international mediators and the internal political situation in two countries. I propose a new version of the periodization of the Macedonian naming dispute. I paid special attention to the process of the “antiquization” in Macedonia during the period when VMRO-DPMNE was in power and to the canceling of it after the transit of power to the SDSM. Conclusions are drawn about the future for reconciliation in view of the difficult foreign policy situation in the region and in both countries. Considering that in Greece the compromise with Skopje became one of the reasons for the transition to the opposition to SYRIZA, and in North Macedonia of the apparent weakening of the position of the ruling party, the negative potential of the Greco-Macedonian dispute over the state name has not been fully exhausted.

Ideology and Policing

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Hearty
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Belief Systems ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Sinn Fein ◽  
Critical Engagement ◽  
The Future ◽  
Irish Republicanism ◽  
Ideological Dimension

This chapter critically examines the overarching ideological dimension to the policing debate within modern Irish republicanism, interrogating how competing views of where Irish republicanism is currently at in transition and where it is believed to be heading in the future are construed through value laden interpretations of where is has come from. It evaluates how ‘critical engagement’ with post-Patten policing in Northern Ireland is interpreted through long held belief systems that frame the move in terms of congruence with or contradiction to past positions. The chapter posits that there are two contesting ideological models for understanding the current Sinn Fein strategy in transitional Northern Ireland; the ‘progressive republican’ model that interprets current Sinn Fein strategy as being premised on a change of tactics that has moved the pursuit of ideological goals from an armed struggle to a political struggle and the ‘constitutional nationalist’ model that interprets Sinn Fein strategy as an abandonment of Irish republican principles that involves a reformist working of the state that can ultimately only lead to assimilation into, rather than removal of, a partitionist state.

‘In the Beginning was the Land’: The Appropriation of Religious Themes in Political Discourses in Zimbabwe

Africa ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 220-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ezra Chitando
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
Traditional Religions ◽  
Reform Programme ◽  
Negative Publicity ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
African Traditional Religions ◽  
Ruling Party

AbstractAs the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe worsened between 2000 and 2003, the state embarked on an intense propaganda campaign. Facing an increasingly popular opposition, the state adopted a two-pronged strategy of marketing its programmes while subjecting the opposition to violence and negative publicity. Using various media, the propagandists sought to portray the ruling party (ZANU-PF) as a sacred movement fulfilling prophetic oracles that the black majority would reclaim the lost land. State functionaries systematically appropriated religious ideas, with concepts from Christianity and African traditional religions being used to buttress political statements. The controversial land reform programme was couched in religious terms and notions like sovereignty attained mythical proportions. This article examines the appropriation of religious themes in political propaganda in Zimbabwe. It analyses the communication environment in the country and how it facilitated the interface between religious and political discourses.

Obecny stan badań nad Zagładą na Ukrainie

2014 ◽  
pp. 889-915
Author(s):  
Anna Abakunkova
Keyword(s):  
Future Development ◽  
The State ◽  
Significant Part ◽  
Educational Organizations ◽  
Major Research ◽  
Holocaust Studies ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
The Future

The article examines the state of the Holocaust historiography in Ukraine for the period of 2010 – beginning of 2014. The review analyzes activities of major research and educational organizations in Ukraine which have significant part of projects devoted to the Holocaust; main publications and discussions on the Holocaust in Ukraine, including publications of Ukrainian authors in academic European and American journals. The article illustrates contemporary tendencies and conditions of the Holocaust Studies in Ukraine, defines major problems and shows perspectives of the future development of the Holocaust historiography in Ukraine.

Collective Memory: Between Values and Historical Knowledge

2020 ◽  
pp. 124-142
Author(s):  
VICTOR BURLACHUK
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Rapid Change ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
The State ◽  
Main Element ◽  
Rapid Decline ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Future

At the end of the twentieth century, questions of a secondary nature suddenly became topical: what do we remember and who owns the memory? Memory as one of the mental characteristics of an individual’s activity is complemented by the concept of collective memory, which requires a different method of analysis than the activity of a separate individual. In the 1970s, a situation arose that gave rise to the so-called "historical politics" or "memory politics." If philosophical studies of memory problems of the 30’s and 40’s of the twentieth century were focused mainly on the peculiarities of perception of the past in the individual and collective consciousness and did not go beyond scientific discussions, then half a century later the situation has changed dramatically. The problem of memory has found its political sound: historians and sociologists, politicians and representatives of the media have entered the discourse on memory. Modern society, including all social, ethnic and family groups, has undergone a profound change in the traditional attitude towards the past, which has been associated with changes in the structure of government. In connection with the discrediting of the Soviet Union, the rapid decline of the Communist Party and its ideology, there was a collapse of Marxism, which provided for a certain model of time and history. The end of the revolutionary idea, a powerful vector that indicated the direction of historical time into the future, inevitably led to a rapid change in perception of the past. Three models of the future, which, according to Pierre Nora, defined the face of the past (the future as a restoration of the past, the future as progress and the future as a revolution) that existed until recently, have now lost their relevance. Today, absolute uncertainty hangs over the future. The inability to predict the future poses certain challenges to the present. The end of any teleology of history imposes on the present a debt of memory. Features of the life of memory, the specifics of its state and functioning directly affect the state of identity, both personal and collective. Distortion of memory, its incorrect work, and its ideological manipulation can give rise to an identity crisis. The memorial phenomenon is a certain political resource in a situation of severe socio-political breaks and changes. In the conditions of the economic crisis and in the absence of a real and clear program for future development, the state often seeks to turn memory into the main element of national consolidation.

Asymmetries of Spatial Contestations

Contention ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tareq Sydiq
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Future

Based on fieldwork carried out from 2017 and 2018, this article examines various attempts to both organize publicly and disrupt such attempts during the Iranian protests during that time. It argues that interference with spatial realities influenced the social coalitions built during the protests, impacting the capacity of actors to build such coalitions. The post-2009 adaptation of the state inhibited cross-class coalitions despite being challenged, while actors used spatial phrasing indicating they perceived spatial divisions to emulate political ones. Meanwhile, in the immediate aftermath of the December 2017 protests, further attempts to control protest actions impacted not only those who would be able to participate in such events in the future, but also those who felt represented by them and who would be likely to sympathize with them. Based on the spatial conditions under which coalitions form, I argue that asymmetrical contestations of spatiality determined the outcome of the December 2017 protests and may contribute to an understanding of how alliances in Iran will form in the future.

Comparative characteristics of educational stress and mental health of senior medicine students at different universities (results of an interregional study)

2020 ◽  
pp. 34-46
Author(s):  
Victoria Ruzhenkova ◽  
Irina Sheremet’eva ◽  
Viktor Ruzhenkov
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
Medical Students ◽  
The State ◽  
Panic Attacks ◽  
Stress Factors ◽  
Anxiety And Depression ◽  
State University ◽  
The Future ◽  
Training Stress ◽  
Medical University

Stress negatively affects the mental health of students, causes anxiety and depression, leads to poor academic performance, lowers level of professional training and success in the future. The purpose of the research is to study the state of mental health of medical students to develop recommendations for the prevention of maladaptation. Materials and methods. 252 5-year students aged 20–29 (22 ± 1,1) years, 168 (66,7 %) females and 84 (33,3 %) males (137 students of Belgorod State University and 115 of Altay State Medical University (ASMU)) were examined by medico-sociological and psychometric methods. Results. It was established that every fifth student of the Belgorod State University and every third of the ASMU did not enter the medical university on their own initiative. Less than half (43 %) of Belgorod State University students and 30.4 % of the ASMU ones are convinced that the choice of profession was correct, 35 and 37.4 % are, consequently, completely disappointed with it. Students of Belgorod State University dealt with training stress factors poorer and, as a result, have more pronounced mental symptoms of training stress, difficulties in organizing the daily regimen, irregular nutrition, and fear of the future. Regardless of the region of studying, the number of students not committed to the medical profession, after 5 years of study, is more than 3 times higher among those who enter the university not on their own initiative. Students of the ASMU hit substances, skipped classes, played computer games and took sedative drugs more often to overcome academic stress. The degree of anxiety before the exams in students of Belgorod State University was higher (9 points) than in their peers from the State Medical University (7 points). An extremely high (8–10 points) level of anxiety before exams was characteristic of 75,9 and 44,3 % of students, respectively. The former were more likely to experience clinically significant panic attacks: 27,7 and 6,1 %. Conclusion. Given the high incidence of social phobia (19,1–24,1 %), depression (22,6–32,2 %) and anxiety (21,9– 27,8 %) among medical students, the development and implementation of psycho-correctional programs aimed at the formation of adaptive ways to overcome stress, reduce anxiety and depression is required. This will prevent the development of psychosomatic disorders and addictions.

PANCASILA DAN IDENTITAS KE-INDONESIA-AN: Sebuah Catatan Krisis

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Muchid Albintani
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Identity Crisis ◽  
The State ◽  
The Future ◽  
Electoral Regime ◽  
National Consensus

The term there is no legislation under development of Pancasila as the basis of the state, but theposition of Pancasila is unshakeable. The anti-Pancasila attitude must also be anti-diversity that can live as a nation and a state [national crises]. Without affirmation or not in the legislation, Pancasila is the ‘foundation and ideology of the state’. Based on the fact that there is irrelevant when the question arises, whether Pancasila is still needed as the basis of state and nation, or is Pancasila still needed as a source of national law that explicitly needs to be affirmed into the1945 Constitution and the sanctions of Pancasila tabulatively? This paper is an assertion of [reinforcement] of the Pencasila as an ideology into the 1945 Constitution or not, highly dependent on the winning electoral regime and the ‘election-winning political party’. Pancasila as ‘the foundation and ideology of the state’ becomes the determinant of ‘as close as the regime of the results of the practice of direct democracy’. Therefore, the affirmation of the essentials in building a lasting and harmonious life of fellow children of the nation in the future. Recognizing the reintroduction of the Indonesia’s identity of essence of Pancasila as the ideology of nation and state is based on ‘national consensus’. This awareness is resilient, so that a country that has been established for more than 73 years does not experience an identity crisis. 

A Brief Statement on the Future of Public Scholarship and the Research Methods Landscape

2019 ◽  
pp. 700-707
Author(s):  
Patricia Leavy
Keyword(s):  
Research Methods ◽  
Teaching Practices ◽  
Knowledge Building ◽  
Research Community ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Scholarship ◽  
Institutional Structures ◽  
The Future ◽  
Book Editor

The book editor offers some final comments about the state of the field and promise for the future. Leavy suggests researchers consider using the language of “shapes” to talk about the forms their research takes and to highlight the ongoing role of the research community in shaping knowledge-building practices. She reviews the challenges and rewards of taking your work public. Leavy concludes by noting that institutional structures need to evolve their rewards criteria in order to meet the demands of practicing contemporary research and suggests that professors update their teaching practices to bring the audiences of research into the forefront of discussions of methodology.

scholarly journals Hope against hope: COVID-19 and the space for political imagination

2021 ◽  
pp. 136754942110045
Author(s):  
Jonathan Gross
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Studies ◽  
Critical Pedagogy ◽  
Political Imagination ◽  
Futures Studies ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Discursive Space ◽  
Devised Theatre ◽  
Interdisciplinary Field ◽  
The Future

COVID-19 has loosened neoliberalism’s hegemonic grip on the future. Amid the enormous suffering experienced internationally, there is much discussion of how to ‘Build Back Better’, and hope for a more caring, just and sustainable world. But competing futures are being imagined and planned. Hope is never politically neutral, and the content of collective hope is a key site of political struggle. This is partly a question of space: who has the literal and discursive space in which to develop visions of the future? The following article considers the role that cultural studies can play in this struggle. ‘Conjunctural analysis’ has a key task, making visible the competing futures contained within the present. But cultural studies should go further: combining conjunctural analysis with methods drawn from a range of scholarly and activist traditions – including critical pedagogy, devised theatre and the interdisciplinary field of futures studies – that deliberately create spaces for imagining new futures.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document