scholarly journals The legal mechanism for changing the individual legal status of representatives of the privileged classes in the Russian Empire in 1801-1815

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-51
Author(s):  
S. N. Smirnov
Keyword(s):  
Social Mobility ◽  
Professional Growth ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Individual

Introduction. The article deals with the issues of policy environment for individual social mobility. It provides the examples of promotion of representatives of the noble and spiritual estates (including foreigners who took Russian citizenship) of the Russian Empire in the early 19th century; the role of noninstitutional factors in upward mobility is noted.Materials and methodology. The methodological basis of the study includes the dialectical, historical, formal-legal, critical-legal methods in the framework of the civilizational approach.Results of the research. At the beginning of the XIX century the system of vertical social mobility was modernized in the Russian Empire, primarily in relation to the representatives of the privileged classes. The legal basis of the mechanism of changing the individual legal status included the normative legal acts and the traditions of joining the service by children from nobily that had developed over the previous century. These traditions can be considered as non-institutionalized practices of advancement on the social ladder. The two main channels of social lift in Russia at that time for representatives of the privileged classes were the army and the state civil service; court service in that period lost its role as a channel of social lift.With the help of this mechanism, representatives of the noble class, as well as individual representatives of the spiritual class, were promoted to the political elite of the country. This mechanism was designed to be applied to both “natural” Russian nationals and foreigners who chose to serve Russia as their main professional career. After 1809 the nobles of Finland received institutional opportunities for professional growth within the Russian system of public service. A successful career in the civil service was also possible for a representative of a foreign state who received Russian citizenship, but only if they had a good education and knowledge in the field of professional activity.Discussion and conclusions. The author substantiates the importance of not only the legislative provisions, but also of the existing factors of “nonlegal” nature in the process of changing the individual legal status, as well as the role of education, which by the beginning of the considered period had become a prerequisite for joining the political elite of the country.

scholarly journals “I am a Soldier; I Have Never Meddled in Politics and Do Not Meddle Now”: General A. E. Evert and the February Revolution

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Sergey Sergushkin
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Examination ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The Political ◽  
Western Front ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Military Control ◽  
Commander In Chief ◽  
Constitutional Monarchy

The article focuses on the role of A. E. Evert, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front, in the events of the February Revolution. Russia's top military leadership took a consolidated position on the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II from the throne, but the unity regarding the fate of the Empire's future was only an appearance. This is made clear through a detailed examination of the decisions made by Evert during the last crucial days for the Russian Empire and of his motives. The author pays particular attention to the period after the emperor’s abdication when, in the political vacuum, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front changed his line of conduct and proposed the bold project of transferring the country's real political power under military control. The methodological basis of this study is the principles of historicism, systematicity and scientific objectivity, while also using the comparative and historical-genetic methods.  Evert considered the constitutional monarchy with Mikhail Alexandrovich on the throne as a worthy alternative to the forceful suppression of the revolution in the rear, which cannot be said about his view on the Provisional Government and the prospect of elections to the Constituent Assembly during the war. In this regard, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front hoped, with the support of his colleagues, to impose his will on the rebellious capital. However, his project did not receive the necessary support, and his disloyalty to the Provisional Government led to his early resignation.

On the issue of legal status of spiritual Christians Molokans in the Russian Empire

2020 ◽  
pp. 129-135
Author(s):  
Dmitriy I. Frolov
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Research Methods ◽  
Religious Education ◽  
Criminal Law ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The State ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Individual

The purpose of this work is to give a brief analysis of the legal status of spiritual Christians Molokans in the Russian Empire, following the dynamics of state legal regulation. The problem of the individual sectarian groups status remains little studied in both domestic and foreign literature, which determines its relevance. We use the following research methods: chronological, problem and analytical. We analyze the norms of administrative and criminal law in force in the 19th - early 20th centuries in the Russian Empire, which regulate the rights and obligations of subjects assigned to the Molokan sect. The analysis showed that the legal impact of the state on the Molokans was repressive and causal throughout most of the studied period. Only the reign of Alexander I was marked by a loyal attitude towards sectarians. After the revolutionary events of 1905, a number of civil and religious freedoms were granted to the Molokans, however, one cannot speak of the religious equality of all subjects during this period. After 1905, specialized acts were passed regulating the procedure for registering communities, holding conventions, organizing religious education, and other areas of public relations.

scholarly journals Unia polsko-rosyjska z 1815 r. na tle unii lubelskiej i projektów unii Rzeczypospolitej i Rosji z XVI i XVII w.

2019 ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Jakub Wojas
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
Objective Assessment ◽  
Legal Aspects ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Economic Prosperity ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
The One ◽  
Grand Duchy

The lifetime of the Kingdom of Poland – a state connected with the Russian Empire by a union – has not been unequivocally assessed in Polish historiography. On the one hand, the Kingdom had its own army, administration and a very liberal constitution, and had quickly achieved economic prosperity. On the other hand, within a few years of its creation, there occurred the fi rst violations of the Constitution and the persecutions of those who opposed these infringements. A significant event was the revolt of the Cadets of 29 November 1830, which turned into a uprising, today referred to as the November Uprising. This article is the analysis of the legal aspects of the Polish-Russian union created in 1815. It is then compared with the Union of Lublin and the drafts of planned unions between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Tsardom of Russia in the 16th and 17th centuries. The circumstances which led to the creation of the Kingdom of Poland and its union with the Russian Empire, as well as the earlier attempts to create one state of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Russian Empire, as well as the principles of a union of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania are presented. The principles upon which these unions were to be based are subsequently compared and analysed. A particular emphasis has been placed on the issues related to the international legal status of the Kingdom of Poland. In this context questions such as: the treaty-making power and jus legationis have also been asked. Another important issue discussed in the paper is also the role of the king in matters concerning foreign policy and a possible role of Russia in these matters. The results of this analysis allow to formulate a more objective assessment of the period of the Kingdom of Poland, focusing on its legal status and position, and in particular on the relation with the Russian Empire.

scholarly journals IN THE XVIII-XIX CENTURY AND THE POLICY OF TSARIST RUSSIA IN KAZAKHSTAN CONSEQUENCES OF INFLUENCE ON THE STRUCTURE OF TRADITIONAL KAZAKH SOCIETY

2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
U.K. Zhangaliev ◽  
◽  
K.B. Bolatova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Colonial Policy ◽  
Traditional Structure ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Xix Century ◽  
Traditional Economy

During the period of colonial policy in the Russian Empire, the influence on the Kazakh land is reflected, as well as the main results of changes in the mechanism of adaptation and ways of countering the traditional structure of Kazakh society during the period of colonization. The role of the colonial policy of the Empire is described in the XVIII - XIX centuries with administrative and political reforms carried out by tsarist Russia in Kazakhstan. At the same time, the ethno – social structure of the Kazakh society has undergone significant changes in the system of socio-economic relations, changing all the realities of the traditional economy. During the first half of the XVIII – first half of the XIX centuries, the political influence of a significant social group of warriors - batyrs was explained in Kazakh society. The article uses sorting, analysis, and comparison methods. The article presents new sources and reviews the works of the first and modern researchers.

scholarly journals The Political and Legal Aspect of the Relations between the Autocracy and the Adventists in the Context of the General Protestant Movement in the Second Half of the Nineteenth and First Years of the Twentieth Centuries

2008 ◽  
pp. 99-108
Author(s):  
Roman Anatoliyovych Sitarchuk
Keyword(s):  
Legal Aspect ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The State ◽  
Seventh Day Adventist ◽  
Theoretical Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Scientific Exploration ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire

The topic of the study is a component of modern scientific exploration that examines the role of the Seventh-day Adventist Church in building our multi-denominational society. In particular, the issue of determining the place and role of the Adventist Church in society and the state is important. However, today it is possible to unleash it only by summing up the accumulated experience in this field for the whole period of the history of Adventism in Ukraine. The problem of state-confessional relations is important, but it has not been given sufficient importance in terms of theoretical research, which sometimes leads to gross errors in the construction of these relations, which is not beneficial to society. Thus, it is interesting for us to experience the emergence of relations between the state and the Adventist faith in the Ukrainian lands that were part of the Russian Empire, since that is when the formation of the Adventist Church in the domestic territories began.

scholarly journals The role of M. M. Vinaver in political communities of the first-wave emigrants

2021 ◽  
pp. 148-157
Author(s):  
Ksenia Aleksandrovna Nesterova
Keyword(s):  
Research Result ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
The Russian Empire

This article analyzes the activity of the politician, former deputy of the First State Duma of the Russian Empire from the Cadet Party – M. M. Vinaver (1862 – 1926) during the period of emigration. Leaning on the materials from the personal archive of Maxim Vinaver stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation, memoir of his contemporaries, as well as the achievements of modern historiography on the topic, the author explores the role of M. M. Vinaver in the work of such political anti-Bolshevist liberal organizations of the first-wave emigrants as the Crimean Regional Government, Russian Society of the League of Peoples, Russian Democratic Association, as well as private-held sessions of the former members of the Constituent Assembly. The scientific novelty of this research consists in gaining historical experience of the formation and evolution of anti-Bolshevist liberal political projects and acquiring historical knowledge on the emigrated political elite of the Russian Empire during the transition historical period. The research result lies in tracing the evolution of views of the politician on the methods, strategies and form of struggle against the Bolsheviks; as well as in the analysis of his projects on reconstruction of the Russian State based on the legal principles of civil society, as well as some of his psychological characteristics. The author indicates the active participation and crucial role of Maxim Vinaver in life of the white émigré overall and its political liberal organizations in particular.

scholarly journals THE IMPACT OF THE POLITICAL REGIMES ON THE INTERPRETATION OF THE PROTO-CZECHS, THE OLDEST GENERATION OF THE CZECH ELITES AND THE INTERWAR CZECHOSLOVAK ELITES

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 11-27
Author(s):  
Lucie Cviklová
Keyword(s):  
Social Memory ◽  
Historical Consciousness ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
National Memory ◽  
Methodological Approaches ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Impact

The role of the Proto-Czechs, the oldest generation of the elites and the interwar elites in the national memory can be advanced by showing the examples of the impact of the political regimes on the interpretation of the symbolic role of the individual elite members. The contribution draws on those concepts and methodological approaches that have been employed by the number of historians and historical sociologists such as historical consciousness, collective (social) memory and national memory; a major incentive for choice of the individual elite members were several sociological researchers on the Czech elites. The pluralist debates about the impact of the Czech elites and their contributions were launched in the Austro-Hungarian Empire and developed by the several generations of the Czech and the foreign historians. This thesis about the impact of the political regimes on the interpretation of the contributions of the Czech elites can be illustrated by (1)the current importance of the Proto‒Czech elites such as Saint Wenceslaus I. [Svatý Václav], (Saints) Cyril and Methodius, Božena Němcová and Karel Havlíček Borovský, (2)the popularity of the members of  the interwar political elite such as the economist Alois Rašín, the journalist Milena Jesenská, the politician Františka Plamínková and the diplomat Zdeněk Fierlinger, (3)the positive and negative reponse to the actions of the communist elites such as Rudolf Slánský, Klement Gottwald, Alexander Dubček and Gustav Husák and (4)the evaluation of the members of the communist counter-elite and later democratic elite such as Václav Havel and Petr Pithart.

scholarly journals EXTERNAL BORROWINGS OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF RAILWAYS IN SIBERIA

2016 ◽  
pp. 7-11
Author(s):  
O. V. Baev
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
High Yield ◽  
Siberian Region ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Initial Stage ◽  
Ministry Of Finance ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Stock Market

This article analyzes the role of external borrowings of the Russian Empire in the financing of railway construction in the Siberian region. In the context of the elimination of the State Railway Foundation, the Russian government at the initial stage of this process directed at the construction of the railroad Yekaterinburg-Tyumen a part of the proceeds of the VIIth Consolidated Railway Loan, which was placed not only on the Russian stock market, but also inGermanyand theNetherlands. The loan was implemented quite successfully, but the contemporary Russian Minister of Finance N. H. Bunge was criticized for issuing high-yield loan abroad. Since the beginning of the 1890-s, when the financing of the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway was discussed, foreign investors offered their services, but after S. Y. Witte had joined the Ministry of Finance, priority was given to internal, governmental sources of financing. Thus, the Russian government consolidated the Siberian region as an integral part of the Empire, the entire political elite of the country being interested in its development.

scholarly journals O. O. Bobrynskyi and the State Duma: views and activities

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Nataliia Chernikova ◽  
Iryna Karpan
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian History ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Right

The purpose of the article is to reveal to reveal directions of O. O. Bobrynskyi’s socio- political and state activity in 1905–1911. Research methods: historical-genetic, historical-comparative, descriptive, historical-typological, system-structural. Main results. O. Bobrynskyi belonged to the famous noble family of landowners, owners of sugar factories of the Russian Empire. Therefore, he actively defended the interests of the nobility and autocracy. He believed that the consolidation of the nobility was necessary to maintain its dominant position in the state, especially after the revolutionary events of 1905. His practical steps to establish the organizational centers of the conservative nobility, its politicization and participation in the processes of state formation are revealed. The attention is focused on the role of O. Bobrynskyi in the development of organizational and ideological foundations, ensuring the practical activity of the United Nobility as a leading force in the political mechanism of Russia at that time. O. Bobrynskyi made the United Nobility congresses look like a parliament, which formed views of the conservative nobility on current state problems. As a result, their agrarian and electoral reform projects have largely become the basis of government reform. Thus, the nobility was able to form a majority in the Duma of the 3rd convocation, and O. Bobrynskyi became a deputy too. The nature and content his parliamentary activity, legislative initiatives and efforts to establish a regime of cooperation and partnership in the State Duma are revealed. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of political struggle were monitored. O. Bobrynskyi constantly tried to strike the optimal political balance between the right parties of the Duma to support the political platform developed at the meetings of the United Nobility. Much attention is paid to the analysis of the content and character of O. Bobrynskyi’s speech, the essential features, specifics, the evolution of his political platform, realized during his political career. Practical significance. Possibility of using the obtained results for writing monographs, general researches, textbooks and manuals dedicated to the Russian history, history of socio-political organizations, parties and movements, representative and state institutions, political elite of the Russian Empire; for creating and teaching normative and special courses in Russian history, political and social history at universities, colleges etc. Scientific novelty. O. O. Bobrynskyi’s steps to create the optimal political balance between the right-wing Duma parties in order to lobby the United Nobility political platform are outlined. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of his political struggle were monitored. Article type: explanation.

scholarly journals CONFLICTING FACTORS OF RUSSIAN COLONIALISM: THE VIEW OF OLES HONCHAR

2020 ◽  
pp. 51-56
Author(s):  
Serhiy Hrabovsky
Keyword(s):  
National Culture ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Ukrainian Society

The article is devoted to one of the manifestations of Oles` Honchar's legacy – his understanding of the colonial status of Ukraine in the Russian Empire and the USSR and outlining this status as a source of external and internal conflicts. The author refers to Honchar's "Diaries", published at the beginning of the XXI century, in which for more than half a century Honchar wrote down, along with observations and sketches for literary works, ideas and conclusions of the conceptual plan. In particular, there are the nature of Russian and Soviet colonialism, the totalitarian system, the deliberate destruction of Ukrainian national culture, repression of the national intelligentsia, the decline of the traditions of the Ukrainian elite, and at the same time the resistance of Ukrainians to the totalitarianimperial system. The article focuses on the connection between the two main problems considered by Oles` Honchar – the imperial rise of Russia-USSR and the colonial status of Ukraine as part of this superpower; problems, which, in turn, have caused (and still cause) conflicts of various kinds both within Ukrainian society and around it. The author traces the evolution of Honchar's views on the problems of Russian imperialism, its Soviet continuation, the colonial state of Ukraine and the resulting social and political conflicts. The article describes both Oles` Honchar's personal opposition to all these factors and the paradigms of socio-cultural and political activity proposed by him, which can play an important role in the decolonization of Ukraine. The author argues that Honchar's intellectual heritage remains relevant to this day, but it is, unfortunately, not in demand by candidates for the role of the country's political elite.

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