scholarly journals LOKA LOAK KEBAYORAN LAMA

Author(s):  
Rinardy Tanuwijaya ◽  
Rudy Trisno

The existence of transit hubs is a prominent feature of urban life that hold human movement and interaction, which raises the growth of new places for communities, and a third place that was formed naturally. Kebayoran Lama Utara, which located close to a train station, is not spared by this phenomenon. The place becomes unique by flea markets that sprawls among the hub, forming an image for the site, which unfortunately placed where it should not be. It becomes an irony, where a distinctive feature of a place is so potential to be developed, but also becomes the ‘parasite’ of the area itself. Especially with the fact that the site is located in the negative point of the city, but with a lot of human activities. Loka Loak Kebayoran Lama, with urban retrofitting method, aims to develop the area, both within the site, as well as the surrounding and the communities in one system, to fulfill the functions both socially and economically, but also environmentally sustainable. The project also inspired and maximized the surrounding situation, with the use of an abandoned shophouse as a base structure, and the approaches to the urban patterns. Project is designed to be context to the surroundings, but also dynamic. So, the existence of the project doesn’t become the ‘alien’ of the area, but the catalyst, and improves the image of the region. Activities on the project are maximized to be enjoyed by four main groups which are; the merchants, vendees, the locals, and the commuters. Commercial area to gather the buying and selling activities, combined with the education and entertainment programs, which also linked to the supporting functions for the transit activities. These programs make the project can be a place with diverse activities, and also a new public space at a negative point in an active urban area. Keywords: flea market; loka-loak Kebayoran Lama;  third place; transit hub; urban retrofitting  AbstrakKeberadaan suatu pusat transit sebagai tempat perpindahan memunculkan titik-titik baru berkumpulnya masyarakat, yang secara tidak langsung dan spontan menjadi third place baru. Kebayoran Lama Utara, yang terletak erat dengan stasiun kereta api tidak luput oleh fenomena tersebut. Tempat penjualan barang loak yang unik dan membentuk citra menjadi marak di sekitar tapak, yang sayangnya tidak di tempat yang seharusnya. Sehingga ironi, dimana sebuah potensi yang dapat mengembangkan, menjadi sesuatu yang tidak seharusnya. Terlebih tapak merupakan titik negatif yang kurang efektif, namun ramai oleh aktivitas masyarakat. Loka Loak Kebayoran Lama, dengan metode urban retrofitting, bertujuan untuk mengembangkan area tersebut, baik di dalam tapak, lingkungan sekitar, serta masyarakatnya dalam satu sistem memenuhi fungsi baik sosial, ekonomi, maupun lingkungan berkelanjutan. Proyek terinspirasi dan memaksimalkan situasi sekitar, dengan pemanfaatan struktur ruko terbengkalai, serta pendekatan urban pattern sekitar. Bentukan konteks dan teratur, namun dinamis. Sehingga keberadaan proyek dapat menjadi katalis, serta meningkatkan citra kawasan. Kegiatan dimaksimalkan untuk empat kelompok utama yaitu; pedagang, pembeli, warga, dan komuter. Kesimpulan perancangan, adalah Loka Loak Kebayoran Lama, dengan area pasar loak sebagai titik kegiatan jual beli, berpadu dengan fungsi edukasi serta entertainment, yang bertautan dengan fungsi pendukung kegiatan transit. Aktivitas tidak hanya sebatas jual beli, namun juga edukasi dan hiburan. Proyek dapat menjadi tempat kegiatan yang beragam, dan ruang publik baru di titik negatif dalam kawasan urban yang aktif.

Author(s):  
Sudarmaya Fauzi ◽  
Doddy Yuono

Over time, the growth of the city increasingly triggers a diversity of activities that take place. One tendency of urban community activities is the need to exchange experiences and obtain a comfortable place to socialize and exchange experiences. These activities are no longer carried out at home or in the office, but in a place called Third place. Kemang is an area that was once a settlement now a commercial center called the "modern village". Over time kemang became a commercial area dominated by creative industries. The many types of creative activities lead to the behavior of people who tend to be in groups. This is very regrettable for the community because this creative activity is very important for people who want to learn or know it by exchanging experiences between art practitioners and the public. But in Kemang there is no place or place for the community to exchange experiences. The presence of Interactive-Creative Spaces in Kemang to meet the needs of community of Kemang related to art activities. With the hypothesis testing method and carried out by conducting surveys in the field, conducting interviews with relevant parties then making observations, collecting data, comparing field results with existing standards and determining the results. This program presents a program space that connected each other making it easier for visitors to access and also helps with the purpose of displaying and inviting visiting visitors to provide forums and facilities for people who want to develop their creativity. ThisInteractive-Creative Space is expected to provide a Third Place for people who want to exchange experiences with a comfortable and facilitated one. Keywords: Art container; Creative Industries; Public Space; Third Place AbstrakBerjalannya waktu, pertumbuhan kota semakin memicu keragaman kegiatan.. Salah satu kecenderungan kegiatan masyarakat kota adalah kebutuhan untuk bertukar pengalaman dan memperoleh tempat yang nyaman untuk saling bersosialisasi dan bertukar pengalaman. Kegiatan‐kegiatan tersebut bukan lagi dilakukan di rumah ataupun di kantor, melainkan pada suatu tempat yang disebut ruang ketiga (Third place). Kemang merupakan Kawasan yang dahulunya pemukiman kini menjadi pusat komersil yang disebut “kampung modern”. Seiring berjalannya waktu kemang menjadi daerah komersil yang di di dominasi dengan industri kreatif. Banyaknya macam aktifitas kreatif ini menimbulkan prilaku masyarakat yang cenderung berkelompok. Hal ini sangat di sayangkan bagi masyarakat karna aktifitas kreatif ini sangat berperan bagi masyarakat yang ingin belajar dengan bertukar pengalaman antar pelaku seni dan masyarakat. Hadirnya Ruang Interaktif-Kreatif di Kemang bertujuan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan atau tuntutan masyarakat Kemang terkait aktivitas berkesenian. Metode Pengujian terhadap hipotesis‐hipotesis dan dilakukan dengan melakukan survei ke lapangan, melakukan wawancara baik kepada pihak terkait kemudian melakukan observasi, mengumpulkan data, membandingkan antara hasil lapangan dengan standar yang ada dan menentukan hasil. proyek ini menyajikan program ruang yang berkaitan satu sama lain sehingga memudahkan pengunjung untuk mengakses dan juga berinteraksi dengan objek yang di pamerkan dan mengajak pengunjung yang berkunjung memberikan wadah dan fasilitas bagi masyarakat yang ingin mengembangkan kreatifitasnya. Ruang Interaktif-Kreatif ini diharapkan dapat memberi wadah atau tempat ketiga bagi seluruh kalangan masyarakat yang ingin bertukar pengalaman dengan suasana yang nyaman dan terfasilitasi.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-95
Author(s):  
Jonathan Fuller

This article explores how models of architecture, surveillance, and ownership define commercialised spaces, and in turn dictate how these spaces are experienced – not only by their users but also by the ethnographer. I argue that the supposedly inclusive and open design of Cabot Circus in the city centre of Bristol, UK, has resulted in a privatised, impersonal and exclusionary shopping centre. Its mode of operation and regulation threatens to encroach on the adjacent publicly accessible commercial area of Broadmead, through events like the Christmas market, which blurs the boundaries between the two environments. By reflecting on the difficulties I faced as an ethnographer when attempting to conform to my expected role in the space as an active and visible participant, I suggest that power has become so deeply embedded in the contemporary shopping centre that an innovative and reflexive methodological approach is necessary to capture the true machinations of the privatisation of urban public space. By directing attention towards recent efforts to privatise law enforcement and regulate visitor behaviour in these reconfigured commercialised spaces, this research also raises more ‘fundamental questions about how urban citizenship and social exclusion are defined’, simultaneously exposing the ‘importance of consumption… to daily urban life’ (Flint, 2002: 66).


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-114
Author(s):  
Im Sik Cho ◽  
Blaž Križnik

Sharing practices are an important part of urban life. This article examines the appropriation of alleys as communal space to understand how sharing practices are embedded in localities, how communal space is constituted and maintained, and how this sustains communal life. In this way, the article aims to understand the spatial dimension of sharing practices, and the role of communal space in strengthening social relationship networks and urban sustainability. Seowon Maeul and Samdeok Maeul in Seoul are compared in terms of their urban regeneration approaches, community engagement in planning, street improvement, and the consequences that the transformation had on the appropriation of alleys as communal space. The research findings show that community engagement in planning is as important as the provision of public space if streets are to be appropriated as communal space. Community engagement has changed residents' perception and use of alleys as a shared resource in the neighbourhood by improving their capacity to act collectively and collaborate with other stakeholders in addressing problems and opportunities in cities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-19
Author(s):  
Helen Cia ◽  
I Gusti Ngurah Anom Gunawan ◽  
Hendro Murtiono

The purpose of this research is to explore the concept of revitalizing the coastal tourism area with a sustainable tourism approach. Ocarina area is one of the tourist destinations in Batam city. Its strategic location is right in the center of Batam and is surrounded by several areas with different functions, among others there are housing (housing Regata, housing Monde Residence, housing Avante, Monde Signature housing, etc.), a school (Mondial school), a commercial area ( Pasir Putih shops, Mahkota Raya shops) and also the location of Ocarina area is close to the international ferry. The phenomenon that occurs in this tourist area has long been built and managed but has decreased visitors so that needs to be revitalized by using the concept of sustainable tourism. This strategic location is not accompanied by the success of the development of the Ocarina area as a public space that offers a variety of game facilities and culinary venues. The phenomenon that makes the need for revitalizing measures both physically and economically to make the Ocarina area can attract visitors to come and enjoy the facilities that are in it. The research method was a qualitative method of direct observation in the field. Analysis process is conducted to identify the problems that exist in the field today especially in the area of Ocarina Phase 1 so that the area of Ocarina Phase 2 can make Ocarina Phase 1 to be revitalized area and can be one of the sustainable tourism Batam city that can improve the economy of Batam city. Keywords: revitalization, sustainable tourism, visitor


Muzealnictwo ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 59 ◽  
pp. 123-131
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Jagodzińska

The article focuses on museums’ activity that reaches beyond the walls of their premises in the context of a concept of the so-called third place. The third place – as a gathering place which is neither one’s home, i.e. first place, nor workplace, i.e. second place – was described by an American sociologist Ray Oldenburg in 1999 in his book The Great Good Place: Cafes, Coffee Shops, Bookstores, Bars, Hair Salons, and Other Hangouts at the Heart of a Community. Three study cases have been used in the article: Museum Forum (project carried out by the National Museum in Kraków), Bródno Sculpture Park (project co-conducted by the Museum of Modern Art in Warsaw), and the method of work implemented by the Ethnographic Museum in Kraków, including in particular the project Dzikie Planty (Wild “Planty” Park). I discuss assumptions the projects have been based on, how they fit in an overall strategy of the museums, and reasons why they have been undertaken. Finally, I wonder whether having been conducted in a fully accessible public space and conducive to users’ interaction make it justified to categorise them as the third places in the meaning given by Oldenburg. Although Oldenburg’s concept has been regarded by museum theorists as not applicable to museums, I have come to the conclusion that projects conducted by museums in a non-committal context of an open space meet the conditions the third places do.


Author(s):  
Alfredo Wijaya Putera

With the most dominant number, millennial generation is one generation which it has high income compared to the previous generation. This change has an impact on lifestyle, where one of  the  lifestyles  that  are  studied  and  understood  is  the  lifestyle   of   drinking   coffee. These lifestyle changes how community enjoying coffee, so coffee houses that exist especially in Jakarta try to adapt to this activity. Apart from that, the adaptation of coffee houses in Jakarta is also more oriented towards American culture, where its role is in the entry of coffee houses in Jakarta, especially in the era of the second wave. So the question is whether the changes in coffee houses in Jakarta are in accordance with the definition of public spaces in cities where they can contribute to providing life, especially in urban spaces. To find out more about this, type of coffee houses studied especially in Jakarta, and get results coffee houses in Jakarta as a public space specifically providing ‘life’ only in building and forget about his role as public space in urban. Considered this problem, studied about type of coffee house in the European region, which can solve about giving a urban life. From these results, type about coffee house in European tried to be rearranged and combined with type coffee houses in Jakarta, which can contribute a urban life in Jakarta. AbstrakDengan jumlah yang paling dominan saat ini, generasi milenial adalah salah satu generasi dimana mempunyai pendapatan yang tinggi dibandingkan dengan generasi sebelumnya. Perubahan ini berdampak dalam gaya hidup, dimana salah satu gaya hidup yang dikaji dan dibatasi adalah gaya hidup ngopi. Perubahan gaya hidup ini mempengaruhi perubahan aktifitas masyarakat dalam menikmati kopi, sehingga rumah kopi yang ada khususnya di Jakarta mencoba beradaptasi dengan aktifitas ini. Terlepas dari itu, adaptasi rumah kopi yang ada di Jakarta juga lebih berorientasi pada budaya Amerika, dimana perannya pada masuknya rumah kopi di Jakarta khususnya pada era the second wave. Sehingga yang menjadi pertanyaan adalah apakah perubahan rumah kopi yang ada di Jakarta sesuai dengan definisi ruang publik dalam kota dimana dapat berkontribusi dalam memberikan kehidupan, khususnya dalam ruang kota. Sehingga untuk mempelajari lebih lanjut mengenai permasalahan tersebut, maka disini dicoba di pelajari bagaimana tipe rumah kopi yang ada khususnya di Jakarta, dan didapatkan hasil bahwa rumah kopi yang ada di Jakarta dijadikan ruang publik yang lebih hidup bersifat ‘kedalam’ bangunan saja, menyampingkan sebagai fungsi ruang publik khususnya memberikan kehidupan dalam ruang kota. Sehingga dengan demikian dicoba di pelajari tipe rumah kopi khususnya yang ada di bagian daerah Eropa, dimana mempunyai ciri khusus dapat berkontribusi dalam memberikan kehidupan khususnya pada ruang kota yang di tempatinya. Dari hasil ini kemudian dicoba disusun ulang dan dikombinasikan dengan tipe rumah kopi yang ada di Jakarta, sehingga diharapkan tipe rumah kopi yang ada di Jakarta dapat berperan memberikan kehidupan khususnya pada ruang kota.


2013 ◽  
Vol 409-410 ◽  
pp. 883-886
Author(s):  
Bo Xuan Zhao ◽  
Cong Ling Meng

City, is consisting of a series continuous or intermittent public space images, and every image for each of our people living in the city is varied: may be as awesome as forbidden city Meridian Gate, like Piazza San Marco as a cordial and pleasant space and might also be like Manhattan district of New York, which makes people excited and enthusiastic. To see why, people have different feelings because the public urban space ultimately belongs to democratic public space, people live and have emotions in it. In such domain, people can not only be liberated, free to enjoy the pleasures of urban public space, but also enjoy urban life which is brought by the city's charm through highlighting the vitality of the city with humanism atmosphere. To a conclusion, no matter how ordinary the city is, a good image of urban space can also bring people pleasure.


Author(s):  
Samuel Axel Widjaya ◽  
Nina Carina

A 3rd place acts as an vital place in our daily life, aside from home as the 1st place or workplace as the 2nd place. 3rd place is a neutral public space, often seen as an alternative for some people. Everyone is welcome to visit and to do lots of activities on it. A 3rd place doesn’t have a fixed form, it can be anything the community around it needs it to be.Kawasan Senen was known as the centre of trade and art since forever. It can be seen from its history that became the birthplace of some of the finest artists in Indonesia. When Taman Ismail Marzuki was built on November 10th, 1968, the value of art in Kawasan Senen began to fade. But as time goes by, the value of art in Kawasan Senen begins to rise again. This event can be seen by the rise of art activities around Kawasan Senen such as Wayang Orang Bharata Purwa show that runs every Saturday, the free traditional dance classes that were held by Museum Kebangkitan Nasional and the emergence of Komunitas Planet Senen (KOPS) that actively trying to reintroduce the value of art to the Senen community. Senen Collective Art Space project was built on the hope to become the 3rd place to the community as well as providing and strengthening the value of Kawasan Senen. Keyword: Art in Senen; Collective Art; Neutral Public Space; Third Place AbstrakThe 3rd place merupakan tempat penting yang dibutuhan masyarakat, selain dari rumah sebagai the 1st place maupun tempat kerjanya sebagai 2nd place. 3rd place adalah ruang publik yang netral, sebagai tempat alternatif. Setiap orang dapat berkunjung dan melakukan berbagai aktivitas. Sebuah 3rd place dapat memiliki bentuk yang beragam, namun nyaman untuk beraktivitas sesuai dengan kehidupan dan budaya masyarakatnya. Kawasan Senen sejak dahulu dikenal sebagai pusat perdagangan dan kesenian yang cukup ramai. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari sejarah kawasannya yang menjadi tempat lahir beberapa seniman terkenal tanah air. Dibangunnya Taman Ismail Marzuki (TIM) pada 10 November 1968 membuat  nilai seni di Kawasan Senen ini sempat luntur. Namun seiring waktu, nilai seni dari Kawasan Senen mulai kembali naik. Hal ini ditandai dengan beberapa aktivitas berunsur seni yang mulai dilaksanakan kembali di Kawasan ini seperti pertunjukan Wayang Orang Bharata Purwa yang rutin diadakan setiap hari Sabtu sampai kursus menari tradisional yang diadakan secara gratis oleh Museum Kebangkitan Nasional dan juga munculnya Komunitas Planet Senen (KOPS) yang kerap berusaha memperkenalkan unsur seni kepada masyarakat Senen. Proyek Wadah Seni Kolektif Senen ini bertujuan untuk menjadi wadah 3rd place bagi warga serta memfasilitasi dan memperkuat kembali unsur seni di Kawasan Senen ini.


Author(s):  
Clifford Siskin

The acting out of liberalism’s politics of blame helped to configure a new public space—a space other than the overtly political—in which to adjudicate claims about what parts of The System worked and what did not, what was of lasting value and what needed to be reformed. Those deliberations became the domain of “culture”—a term first used in its modern sense in Britain in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Once culture entered the West’s conceptual vocabulary, every group had one—in fact, every group still has to have one. Culture enacts the formal structure of system semantically as an imperative: parts (can and should) fit together into a whole. Reorganizing internally the very unity that it helped to contrive, “culture” also came to signify a subset of itself.  Among the totality of activities that we call a “culture,” is “Culture”: in Raymond Williams’s words, “the works and practices of intellectual and especially artistic activity.” “Literature” was similarly doubled: what had been an inclusive category of all learning was systematized and narrowed into a high Culture subset of itself. To explain this process, this chapter tracks system’s ongoing role in configuring a period (Romantic, including Hume, Blake, Rousseau, Byron) and an author’s career (Wordsworth’s). These are “secret” histories in that system’s role has been largely written out of both narratives as part of the Arnoldian effort to elevate Culture and Literature by obscuring their links to what he saw as the contingent business of system-making.


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