scholarly journals Political cooperation between Thailand and Russia: current trends and problems

Author(s):  
Katima Poungchingngam

The author studies such aspects of the topic as political cooperation between Thailand and Russia from 2014 till present. The concepts of national interests, the balance of power and neoliberalism are used as the analytical framework of the study. The current bilateral cooperation has positive dynamics in the political field which is demonstrated by the visits of the heads of government since 2015. These visits have led to the development of cooperation for the both countries in all aspects and dimensions. However, the political leverage hasn’t achieved the optimum level, and the cooperation between the two states faces particular problems. The author outlines some of them: first of all, political instability in Thailand affects cooperation. Several transformations in the government of Thailand, which had taken place from 2006 till 2014, as well as domestic problems caused by the coup, have affected the foreign policy of the country. The author arrives at the conclusion that the main factors, influencing Thailand-Russia relations, are the political and diplomatic mechanisms. High-level visits and bilateral discussions help deepen and strengthen the connections between the two states. Nevertheless, these relations will not progress if Thailand fails to solve its domestic problems.   

Author(s):  
Katima Poungchingngam

This article analyzes the political cooperation between Thailand and Russia over the period from 2014 to the present. The concepts of national interest, balance of powers, and neoliberalism are used as the analytical frameworks. The current bilateral cooperation is characterized by positive dynamics in the political sphere as it appears from the visits of the heads of government since 2015. These visits led to the advancement of all-round cooperation for both countries. However, the political ties have not yet reached the optimal level, and mutual cooperation between the two countries faces certain challenges. The main conclusion lies in determination of the issues in relationship between the countries: 1) political instability in Thailand affects the cooperation; some changes that took place in the Thai government between 2006 and 2014, as well as internal problems entailed by the coup d'etat, influenced its foreign policy. The author indicates that the key factors that affect Russia-Thailand relations are the political and diplomatic mechanisms. High-level visits and bilateral discussions contribute to strengthening of ties between the two countries. However, for further development of the relations, Thailand must resolve its domestic issues.


Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Askerov

With the advancement of power in 2002, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has introduced revolutionary policies in Turkey in various realms, including foreign affairs. The new trend in the foreign policy focused on not having problems with neighbors. This could be possible or nearly possible theoretically but eliminating century-long and deep-rooted conflicts with some of the neighbors would not be easy in practice. The new idealistic/moralistic approach necessitated new ways of policy formulation based on mutual gains and unthinkable concessions on the part of Turkey. Ankara’s new approach had given a special importance to building bridges of trust with the neighbors, which also seemed attractive to the political leaders of the neighboring states. This idealistic/moralistic approach was vulnerable to the dynamic political and economic developments in the region and the world in general. The policy did not have a power of sustainability due to the various old, new, and emerging problems around Turkey and hence, the government had to give it up gradually and take a new course of foreign policy based on realistic approaches to defend its national interests.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Saptorini Listianingsih

This study uses van Dijk’s version of Critical Discourse Analysis perspective to examine the news construction of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia’s disbandment in two online newspapers. The two online newspapers used in this study are the Jakarta Post and Jakarta Globe. From the analysis, it shows us that based on textual analysis, the government and HTI are portrayed as two opposing parties. The government is described as ruling regime having authority to maintain national interests that is Pancasila as well as national unity, diversity, and security, while HTI is described as the organization against national interest. Thus, the disbandment of HTI is a correct step to defend national interests. This is in accordance with the developing discourse in society that the existence of HTI is considered to endanger Pancasila. Furthermore, this research revealed that the history, vision mission, previous experience and the political interest of special political elites in media has had decisive influence in transforming reality into news texts.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 648-661
Author(s):  
Tuomas Tervasmäki ◽  
Mari-Anne Okkolin ◽  
Ilkka Kauppinen

The Finnish educational system is well known for its excellent learning results, highly trained teachers and egalitarian values. However, when the political leanings of the government change, its policies are usually altered as well. In this policy report we give an account of the recent changes and current trends in Finnish education policy. We analyse the characteristics of the Sipilä Government’s current education policy since 2015 and compare it to the Nordic welfare-state ideals of universalism, equality and social justice which have traditionally been the key building blocks of the Finnish education system. The Government’s policy appears to be narrow-minded and ignorant of issues related to educational equality, stressing instead the importance of a flexible workforce and national competitiveness. We will reflect on the characteristics of Finnish education policy in light of the debate regarding academic capitalism and as part of an overarching trend of social inequality in Europe.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (17) ◽  
pp. 6908 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jianjun Xu ◽  
Lijie Yu ◽  
Rakesh Gupta

The performance evaluation of the government venture capital guiding fund (GVCGF) has come into focus in the field of venture capital. Most of the existing studies, such as whether the GVCGF has guided social capital to start-up enterprises and has played its due role in the process of enterprise growth and innovation, are all based on relevant work under the framework of econometric analysis. Unlike in these existing studies, we construct the performance analysis model of the GVCGF from four dimensions, including the standardization development of the guidance fund, the risk control ability, and the leverage and the support effects under the framework of a multi-attribute decision-making analysis. Taking a GVCGF project in Ningbo City, China, as an example, we comprehensively evaluate the development performance of the GVCGF using the intuitionistic fuzzy analytic hierarchy process (IFAHP). The results show that the development performance of the GVCGF is at a “relatively high” level. Compared with the traditional analytic hierarchy process (AHP), the IFAHP effectively avoids the false, enlarged influence caused by data subjectivity and evaluation uncertainty. This study provides a feasible analytical framework for the application of the IFAHP in other project performance evaluations.


Author(s):  
Rudina Mita

In the years 1912-1924, Albania was the place in which were four religions: Islam, Orthodox, Catholic and Bectashi. The ideological, political, cultural, educational movement known as the Albanian National Renaissance, (`30 years of the XIX century until 1912 with the declaration of independence of Albania), it devoted an important attention of the political unity of Albanians face as chauvinistic platforms like Megaliideja and Narcetania. present at the time and at high risk for Albanians. The objective of these platforms was as much territorial and assimilationist. The equality of nationality and religion was an idea which was becoming bigger; who was turk was a Muslim, who was catholic was Latino, who was greek was Orthodox. Endangered the existence of a nation. Albanian Renaissance before 1912 aimed to find ways and approsiate means that political unity of Albanians does not sullied in front of assimilating platforms. An important political act for albanians was the Declaration of Independence from the Ottoman Empire on 28 XI.1912. In such a decisive moment religious unity should be an important part for the benefit of political unity. The motto of the Renaissance was "The religion of Albanians is Albanianism", which resulted successfully. During these years albanians demonstrate unity and religious tolerance for political unification. Among the facts that demonstrated this thing mentioned: The government proposed by Ismail Qemal (primeminister) in the moments of the declaration of independence was not approved by the Albanian personalities in the assembly of Vlora. As part of its dominant elements of the Muslim faith, being rewritten after the elements of the four religions in Albania. Proof of this religious unity was the Regency, (Supreme Council), in 1920 the functions of Monarch with four personalities of four religious which functioned until 1924. This clearly demonstrates that the Albanians of all religious in front of national interests were unique. Respecting religious affiliations between them.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 474-488
Author(s):  
Hanhee Lee

AbstractThe political survival of Kim Jong-un's regime in North Korea has been a major international concern since his accession in 2012. While international research has endeavored to diagnose the stability of the regime based on its limitations and weaknesses due to political, economic, and international factors, studies based on baseline theoretical models of leadership stability have rarely been undertaken. This paper employs selectorate theory to address this issue, by identifying the selectorate and winning coalition in North Korea and illustrating their relationships with Kim Jong-un's political survival. To reexamine the analytical framework and results, this study has undertaken in-depth interviews with high-level North Korean defectors who have served in key power apparatuses of Kim Jong-il and/or Kim Jong-un's regime. It analyzes how frequent co-optation of top aides, economic ideologies, and policies are utilized for political survival. It further explains the correlation of his political survival with the party-dependent bureaucracy, internal reign of terror, development of nuclear capacity, and continuous military provocations. However, as the regime further intensifies the reign of terror, the possibility of acoup d’étatby the selectorate and coalition cannot be completely ruled out.


2011 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niels Reeh

The author attempts to break with the Durkheimian approach to civil religion and seeks to develop a new approach. It is suggested that state agency could fruitfully be brought into the centre of the analytical framework. Norbert Elias’s concept of the survival unit is adopted and the democratic Danish state is regarded as a complex collective actor, not restricted to the government but comprising also its citizens, who have access, however limited, to the political process. From this point of departure, the Danish flag days are analyzed, including the introduction of official state recognition of Danish soldiers serving abroad. The consequence of the adoption of a state-centred analytical framework is that civil religion can be regarded as the official state myth, the autobiography of the Danish state.


1998 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
HAMIDA KHUHRO

Masjid Manzilgah forms a chapter in a biography of Mohammed Ayub Khuhro on which the author is currently working. Khuhro (1901-80) was an important politician of Sind whose political career spanned over fifty years from 1921 to the end of the ‘seventies. He was a member of the Bombay Legislative Council from 1923 till the severance of the connection between Bombay and Sind in 1935 when the latter province attained autonomy under the Government of India Act of 1935. He was in the forefront of the political struggle for the ‘separation’ of Sind and after 1936 became a front-ranking Muslim League leader who helped organize the party in Sind and put it behind the Pakistan movement. Khuhro was the first Premier of Sind after independence and held that office altogether three times. He came into confrontation with Jinnah over the issue of severing Karachi from Sind and became identified as the protagonist of states' rights (or provincial autonomy) and as a champion of politicians' supremacy in the fight against the domination of the bureaucracy which bedevilled Pakistani politics for nearly half a century of its existence. This fight resulted in his repeated enforced exile from the political field depriving Pakistan of one of its most experienced public men during its formative years.


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