scholarly journals Relevansi penggunaan dangdut sebagai media efektif pengumpul massa kampanye pada pemilihan umum 2019

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Metha Madonna ◽  
Arya Dillah

Abstract: The Presidential Election event in 2019 actually becomes a reflection of the establishment of the nation in democracy. General Election (Election) is the beginning of laying the foundation of the nation's democracy. Various campaign strategies are pursued by the success team, political parties and sympathizers of the Election contestants, including using dangdut music as an attraction for community gatherers (the masses).There is no accurate calculation about the mass of the campaign that gathered due to the appeal of dangdut with votes. But in fact the Golongan Karya (Golkar) is the party that first used dangdut in 1971 to be used as a campaign weapon. At that time Rhoma Irama, known as the King of Dangdut, attracted the attention of the masses. In 1977 Rhoma Irama succeeded in making the Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) defeat Golkar's dominance in Jakarta and Aceh.Result: music as a campaign media is very dominant as a means of entertainment and propaganda as well as attracting the masses in campaign. The use of dangdut as an effective media, mass campaign collectors show that it is still very relevant because people still like to watch dangdut directly despite political speeches. Even the two candidates for the Presidential Candidate (Capres) also used the dangdut and the most popular song to be used as the theme song as an identification song for the contestants.The results of interviews and data mining of key informants and informants from the 2019 presidential election success team, admitted that the use of dangdut music is still very relevant and strategic to gather the public to be moved consciously or unconsciously to attend a campaign activity. Dangdut music is also considered to be segmented or targeted specifically at certain layers of society, especially dangdut fans.Methodology: Descriptive qualitative quantitative paradigm research was carried out through surveys with direct observations in the field, the distribution of questionnaires was strengthened by interviews with mass of campaign participants as well as a number of informants such as political party figures, observers of political communication and people related to politics.Keywords: Relevance, Dangdut Music, Election Campaign

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-59
Author(s):  
Belli Nasution

The purpose of this study is to describe Jokowi's political communications, especially self-image in the 2014. This study uses qualitative research methods that aim to describe what happened to the situation or event in this study and not test hypotheses or make predictions. The advertisement aired in all national electronic mass media with various versions. In print, advertisements are displayed in the form of newspaper headlines. Through semiotic analysis, it can be explained that mental revolution advertisement is dissected based on the meaning of denotation, connotation, mythical study, and ideological study. This mental revolution advertisement tries to construct Jokowi's positive image to the public. In doing so, political consultants (the success teams) try to build political communication through four stages of perception, cognition, motives, and attitudes. This article shows a semiotic analysis to describe the communication techniques of Jokowi.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-310
Author(s):  
Syarifudin Syarifudin

This study discusses the ethnography of bullying political communication on social media during the campaign period in Ambon City with two main issues namely how the reality of political bullying on Facebook, Whatsapp and Youtube, as well as how the power of social media damages the public thinking system through news of political communication bullying. This qualitative descriptive research explores exploratively the reality of the bullying of political communication in the social media public space in the city of Ambon. The perspective used in reading the reality of political communication bullying uses the Hymens ethnographic communication insight which assumes that language plays a role in the bullying behavior of political communication in a democratic society. The analysis technique uses the method of interpretation of Abu Hayyan's maudhu'i which assumes that every news has text, meaning and context. From an axiological perspective, empathic communication methods are used as a parameter to examine political bullying news material on social media. This study found four aspects, namely: 1). The most widely consumed news during the presidential election campaign in Ambon city was political bullying that damaged the social system of unity, brotherhood and culture of Muslim-Christian empathy. 2). News that plays a big role in constructing the brains of people in Ambon City and political discussion in coffee shops is news sourced from Youtube. 3). Political bullying influences changes in political choices for the Presidential Election during the campaign period. 4). News that is used as an argument for political communication 70% comes from news on social media. It can be concluded that the higher the bullying of political communication received by the Ambon city public from social media, the more difficult it is to care for the fraternity in arranging insight into healthy thinking in the public space and in the community. Penelitian ini membahas tentang etnografi bullying komunikasi politik di media sosial selama masa kampanye di kota Ambon dengan dua pokok masalah yaitu bagaimana realitas bullying politik di Facebook, Whatsapp dan Youtube, serta bagaimana kekuatan media sosial merusak sistem berpikir masyarakat melalui berita bullying komunikasi politik. Penelitian bercorak desktiptif kualitiatif ini menelaah secara eksploratif realitas bullying komunikasi politik di ruang public media sosial di kota Ambon. Perspektif yang digunakan dalam membaca realitas bullying komunikasi politik ini menggunakan wawasan komunikasi etnografi Hymens yang berasumsi bahwa bahasa berperan mencetak prilaku bullying komunikasi politik masyarakat dalam berdemokrasi. Teknik analisis menggunakan metode tafsir maudhu’i Abu Hayyan yang berasumsi bahwa setiap berita ada teks, makna dan konteks. Dari perspektif aksiologinya menggunakan metode komunikasi empaty sebagai parameter untuk menguji materi berita bullying politik di media sosial. Penelitian ini menemukan empat aspek yaitu: 1). Berita yang paling banyak dikonsumsi selama kampanye pilpres di kota Ambon adalah bullying politik yang merusak sistem sosial persatuan, persaudaraan, dan budaya empati Islam-Kristen. 2). Berita yang sangat berperan besar mengkonstruksi otak masyarakat di kota Ambon dan diskusi politik di warung kopi adalah berita yang bersumber dari Youtube. 3). Bullying politik berpengaruh terhadap perubahan pilihan politik untuk Pemilihan Presiden selama masa kampanye. 4). Berita yang dijadikan argument komunikasi politik 70% berasal dari berita di media sosial. Dapat disimpulkan bahwa semakin tinggi bullying komunikasi politik yang diterima oleh publik kota Ambon dari media sosial semakin sulit merawat persaudaraan menata wawasan berpikir sehat di ruang publik dan di masyarakat.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Surti Wardani

Orasi politik (pidato) merupakan momen bagi seorang kandidat untuk bisa memperlihatkan kualitasnya baik sebagai pribadi (ramah, hangat, optimis, dan lain sebagainya), pemikir (lewat berbagai ide serta inovasi yang ditawarkan), maupun sebagai manager (kecakapan mengelola pemerintahan jika kelak terpilih sebagai presiden). Asumsi yang dibangun dalam penelitian ini adalah tidak maksimalnya pemanfaatan orasi politik (pidato) sebagai saluran komunikasi politik antara sang kandidat dengan konstituennya. Seharusnya, orasi politik bisa menjadi momentum antara kandidat dan pendukungnya untuk menyelesaikan ragam persoalan bangsa. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis orasi politik kedua calon presiden pada Pemilihan Presiden 2019. Pendekatan yang digunakan pada penelitian ini adalah pendekatan deskriptif kualitatif. Pengumpulan data dilakukan lewat studi literatur. Teknik analisis isi yang digunakan dilakukan terhadap berbagai dokumen, yang meliputi dokumentasi debat kandidat, berita pada portal media online serta orasi politik kedua kandidat pada Pemilihan Presiden 2019. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa (1) orasi politik yang disampaikan oleh Prabowo dan Jokowi cenderung menggeneralisir permasalahan hingga menimbulkan kontroversi; (2) strategi yang digunakan kedua kandidat politik ialah legitimasi dan delegitimasi; (3) kedua kandidat bisa memperlihatkan wajah “positif” dan “negatif” yang menjadi unsur penyeimbang sehingga konflik sosial tak mudah meletup di tengah masyarakat.Kata Kunci: Orasi politik, legitimasi, delegitimasi, Pilpres 2019 ABSTRACTPolitical oration (speech) is a good moment for candidate to be able to show his quality both as a person (friendly, warm, optimistic, etc.), thinker (through various ideas and innovations offered), and as a manager (ability to manage government if one is elected as president). The assumption built in this research is that the use of political speeches (speeches) is not optimal as a channel of political communication between the candidate and his constituents. Supposedly, political speeches can be a momentum between candidates and supporters to solve various national problems. This research aims to analyze the political speeches of the two presidential candidates in the 2019 Presidential Election. This research use desciptive qualitative approach. Data collection was carried out through literature studies. The content analysis technique used was performed on various documents, which included documentation of candidate debate, news on online media portal and political speeches of both candidates in the 2019 Presidential Election. The results showed that (1) political speeches delivered by Prabowo and Jokowi tended to generalize the problem and causing controversy; (2) the strategies used by the two political candidates are legitimacy and delegitimation; (3) both candidates can show a “positive” and “negative” face which is a balancing element so as to reduce social conflict.Keywords: political oration, legitimation, delegitimation, Presidential Election


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (01) ◽  
pp. 030
Author(s):  
Cosmas Gatot Haryono

<p>ABSTRACT<br />The 2019 presidential election (Pilpres) is a very hot political battle compared to the 2014 election. The temperature of national politics has begun to heat up starting several months before the official campaign period set by the KPU. The "open battle" between the Jowoki camp and Prabowo's camp grew stronger through criticism, criticism, and even physical insult to Jokowi who was the incumbent president. One interesting issue of the various polemics that adorn the world of national politics ahead of the 2019 presidential election is the issue of the dissolution of NKRI in 2030. Prabowo states that in 2030 Indonesia is predicted to disband because of the behavior of national political elites who are far from caring for the small people. Apart from weak references, the issue of the dissolution of the NKRI has been a discourse in our national politics in the past few weeks. In this case, Prabowo has succeeded in constructing subjective reality in the social reality of society for the benefit of himself. Through the power he had, Prabowo instilled an understanding of pessimism in the minds<br />of the public that the state could fail and that the existing government also had the opportunity to fail, it needed to be replaced immediately. In the context of discourse fighting, even though it failed substantially, the speech was quite deceptive and horrendous. Despite experiencing an anti-climax, actually what was revealed by Prabowo was actually enough to help the community to identify some concerns or fears that the interests of many people (Indonesia) would be ruled out by the government. This research is a qualitative research with Faucoult's genealogy discourse method.</p><p><strong>Keywords; Political Communication, Pessimism, Agitation, Genealogy Discourse</strong></p><p>ABSTRAK<br />Pemilihan presiden (Pilpres) 2019 merupakan pertarungan politik yang sangat panas dibandingkan pemilu 2014. Suhu politik nasional mulai panas sudah dimulai sejak beberapa bulan menjelang masa kampanye resmi yang ditetapkan KPU. “Pertarungan terbuka” antara kubu Jowoki dan kubu Prabowo kian kencang<br />melalui kritikan, kecaman, bahkan hinaan secara fisik terhadap Jokowi yang adalah presiden petahana. Salah satu isu yang menarik dari berbagai polemik yang menghiasi dunia politik nasional menjelang pilpres 2019 ini adalah isu bubarnya NKRI di tahun 2030. Prabowo menyatakan bahwa tahun 2030 Indonesia diprediksikan akan bubar karena perilaku para elit politik nasional yang jauh dari kepedulian terhadap rakyat kecil. Lepas dari referensi yang lemah, isu bubarnya NKRI telah menjadi wacana dalam politik nasional kita beberapa minggu terakhir. Dalam hal ini, Prabowo telah berhasil mengkonstrukikan realitas subyektif dalam realitas sosial masyarakat untuk kepentingan dirinya. Melalui power yang dimiliknya, Prabowo menanamkan pemahaman pesimisme dalam benak masyarakat bahwa negara bisa saja gagal dan pemerintahan yang ada sekarang pun berpeluang juga untuk gagal, maka perlu diganti segera. Dalam konteks pertarungan wacana, meskipun gagal<br />secara substansi, pidato tersebut cukup mengecoh dan menghebohkan. Meskipun mengalami anti klimaks, sebenarnya apa yang diungkap Prabowo sebetulnya cukup membantu masyarakat untuk mengidentifikasi tentang adanya beberapa kekhawatiran atau ketakutan bahwa kepentingan masyarakat banyak (Indonesia) akan dikesampingkan oleh pemerintah. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan metode genealogi wacana Faucoult.<br /><strong>Kata Kunci; Komunikasi Politik, Pesimisme, Agitasi, Genealogi Wacana</strong></p>


Author(s):  
N.A. Ryabchenko ◽  
O.P. Malysheva ◽  
V.V. Katermina

The networked society is permeated with processes generated within numerous horizontal structures of the public sphere in the online space. An empirical study based on network analysis and graph visualization methodology allowed us to understand why D. Trump, using the same political communication strategy on Twitter that allowed him to win in 2015, lost the 2020 US Presidential Election. Who and how transformed the political content created by D. Trump's team; who became the influencer that changed and destroyed the discourse field originally created to support D. Trump in the second term campaign? The empirical data (a continuous sample of network data amounted to 2 million messages), which we used to constructs and analyze the discourse fields, comprises the messages published by ordinary users, supporters, opponents and D. Trump's team on Twitter within the period from March 1, 2020 to October 30, 2020. The study showed that D. Trump's second election campaign in 2020 was also based on network populism. However, the “negative information background” (Covid-19, Black Lives Matter) split the discursive fields he formed, which eventually resulted in ban from online platforms and election defeat. The technologies D. Trump used in his first election campaign, and which led him to the US presidency, actually became a potent weapon in the hands of his opponents in the second election campaign.


Author(s):  
EVA MOEHLECKE DE BASEGGIO ◽  
OLIVIA SCHNEIDER ◽  
TIBOR SZVIRCSEV TRESCH

The Swiss Armed Forces (SAF), as part of a democratic system, depends on legitimacy. Democracy, legitimacy and the public are closely connected. In the public sphere the SAF need to be visible; it is where they are controlled and legitimated by the citizens, as part of a deliberative discussion in which political decisions are communicatively negotiated. Considering this, the meaning of political communication, including the SAF’s communication, becomes obvious as it forms the most important basis for political legitimation processes. Social media provide a new way for the SAF to communicate and interact directly with the population. The SAF’s social media communication potentially brings it closer to the people and engages them in a dialogue. The SAF can become more transparent and social media communication may increase its reputation and legitimacy. To measure the effects of social media communication, a survey of the Swiss internet population was conducted. Based on this data, a structural equation model was defined, the effects of which substantiate the assumption that the SAF benefits from being on social media in terms of broadening its reach and increasing legitimacy values.


GIS Business ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 415-424
Author(s):  
Sugandha Shekhar Thakur ◽  
Dr Sachin Sinha ◽  
Dr Deepti Sinha

Media is considered to be the fourth pillar of democracy. Mass media in particular has immense potential to shape the attitudes of the common masses. With the passage of time, media is becoming an all-powerful engine of social change. It plays the role a catalyst in churning the minds of the masses. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the news items brought to the knowledge of the public pay a strong role in creating a mandate. People have varied choices when it comes to their media habits. They are greatly influenced by their socio-economic background and educational exposure. This paper aims to identify the influence of demographic variables like gender, age, education and employment status on the choice of media.  The paper also highlights the current and emerging media habits of people.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 727-747 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lina Klymenko

Abstract This paper studies the Belarusian nation as envisioned by the president in his political speeches delivered on the country’s Independence Day. The theoretical framework of the paper rests upon an understanding of the discursive construction of national identity. This analysis of the presidential speeches utilizes principles of the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA). As a special genre of texts, political speeches aim to offer normative guidance and a sense of societal consensus to the public. The paper reveals that in the construction of a national community in Belarus, the presidential speeches ambiguously refer to historical memory, socio-economic development, the political system and the country’s foreign relations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (03) ◽  
pp. 1840006
Author(s):  
JAE MOOK LEE ◽  
YOUNGDEUK PARK ◽  
GI DONG KIM

This study examines the moderating effects of social media use on regionalist voting behavior in South Korea. Analyzing the survey data conducted during the 2017 Korean presidential election, we test how social media functions in electoral processes, particularly with respect to region-based voting in the Korean electorate. The findings of this study reveal that social media use affects region-based voting behavior among the Korean electorate by connecting people with different regional backgrounds in online political communication. That is, social media use can create “bridging” social capital rather than “bonding” social capital in society. In this respect, results differ significantly from findings in the 2012 presidential election. In 2012, only the independent effects of social media existed with a liberal bias, without revealing interaction with regional dummies. These independent effects disappeared in 2017, and different kinds of social media were statistically significant only when they functioned as moderating variables for regional dummies. This implies that as the functions of social media in the Korean election process have evolved in more complexity, they now are able to affect progressive as well as conservative voters.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (01) ◽  
pp. 139-144
Author(s):  
Paul R. Abramson

AbstractDuring the six weeks before the 2008 elections, I conducted a contest for the 72 students enrolled in my upper-division course Campaigns and Elections. Using contract prices posted by Intrade.com, an electronic gaming market based in Dublin, I asked students to choose among 10 political outcomes. The “contracts” earned by each choice were determined by the Intrade “bid” prices as of September 24, 2008, the day the contest began. The contest helped teach students about campaign strategies, the way electoral rules affect electoral outcomes, provided a reference point to discuss the campaign, and was designed to stimulate interest in the election.


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