scholarly journals GENEALOGI WACANA PADA PESAN AGITATIF PIDATO PRABOWO SUBIYANTO TENTANG NKRI BUBAR TAHUN 2030

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (01) ◽  
pp. 030
Author(s):  
Cosmas Gatot Haryono

<p>ABSTRACT<br />The 2019 presidential election (Pilpres) is a very hot political battle compared to the 2014 election. The temperature of national politics has begun to heat up starting several months before the official campaign period set by the KPU. The "open battle" between the Jowoki camp and Prabowo's camp grew stronger through criticism, criticism, and even physical insult to Jokowi who was the incumbent president. One interesting issue of the various polemics that adorn the world of national politics ahead of the 2019 presidential election is the issue of the dissolution of NKRI in 2030. Prabowo states that in 2030 Indonesia is predicted to disband because of the behavior of national political elites who are far from caring for the small people. Apart from weak references, the issue of the dissolution of the NKRI has been a discourse in our national politics in the past few weeks. In this case, Prabowo has succeeded in constructing subjective reality in the social reality of society for the benefit of himself. Through the power he had, Prabowo instilled an understanding of pessimism in the minds<br />of the public that the state could fail and that the existing government also had the opportunity to fail, it needed to be replaced immediately. In the context of discourse fighting, even though it failed substantially, the speech was quite deceptive and horrendous. Despite experiencing an anti-climax, actually what was revealed by Prabowo was actually enough to help the community to identify some concerns or fears that the interests of many people (Indonesia) would be ruled out by the government. This research is a qualitative research with Faucoult's genealogy discourse method.</p><p><strong>Keywords; Political Communication, Pessimism, Agitation, Genealogy Discourse</strong></p><p>ABSTRAK<br />Pemilihan presiden (Pilpres) 2019 merupakan pertarungan politik yang sangat panas dibandingkan pemilu 2014. Suhu politik nasional mulai panas sudah dimulai sejak beberapa bulan menjelang masa kampanye resmi yang ditetapkan KPU. “Pertarungan terbuka” antara kubu Jowoki dan kubu Prabowo kian kencang<br />melalui kritikan, kecaman, bahkan hinaan secara fisik terhadap Jokowi yang adalah presiden petahana. Salah satu isu yang menarik dari berbagai polemik yang menghiasi dunia politik nasional menjelang pilpres 2019 ini adalah isu bubarnya NKRI di tahun 2030. Prabowo menyatakan bahwa tahun 2030 Indonesia diprediksikan akan bubar karena perilaku para elit politik nasional yang jauh dari kepedulian terhadap rakyat kecil. Lepas dari referensi yang lemah, isu bubarnya NKRI telah menjadi wacana dalam politik nasional kita beberapa minggu terakhir. Dalam hal ini, Prabowo telah berhasil mengkonstrukikan realitas subyektif dalam realitas sosial masyarakat untuk kepentingan dirinya. Melalui power yang dimiliknya, Prabowo menanamkan pemahaman pesimisme dalam benak masyarakat bahwa negara bisa saja gagal dan pemerintahan yang ada sekarang pun berpeluang juga untuk gagal, maka perlu diganti segera. Dalam konteks pertarungan wacana, meskipun gagal<br />secara substansi, pidato tersebut cukup mengecoh dan menghebohkan. Meskipun mengalami anti klimaks, sebenarnya apa yang diungkap Prabowo sebetulnya cukup membantu masyarakat untuk mengidentifikasi tentang adanya beberapa kekhawatiran atau ketakutan bahwa kepentingan masyarakat banyak (Indonesia) akan dikesampingkan oleh pemerintah. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan metode genealogi wacana Faucoult.<br /><strong>Kata Kunci; Komunikasi Politik, Pesimisme, Agitasi, Genealogi Wacana</strong></p>

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-310
Author(s):  
Syarifudin Syarifudin

This study discusses the ethnography of bullying political communication on social media during the campaign period in Ambon City with two main issues namely how the reality of political bullying on Facebook, Whatsapp and Youtube, as well as how the power of social media damages the public thinking system through news of political communication bullying. This qualitative descriptive research explores exploratively the reality of the bullying of political communication in the social media public space in the city of Ambon. The perspective used in reading the reality of political communication bullying uses the Hymens ethnographic communication insight which assumes that language plays a role in the bullying behavior of political communication in a democratic society. The analysis technique uses the method of interpretation of Abu Hayyan's maudhu'i which assumes that every news has text, meaning and context. From an axiological perspective, empathic communication methods are used as a parameter to examine political bullying news material on social media. This study found four aspects, namely: 1). The most widely consumed news during the presidential election campaign in Ambon city was political bullying that damaged the social system of unity, brotherhood and culture of Muslim-Christian empathy. 2). News that plays a big role in constructing the brains of people in Ambon City and political discussion in coffee shops is news sourced from Youtube. 3). Political bullying influences changes in political choices for the Presidential Election during the campaign period. 4). News that is used as an argument for political communication 70% comes from news on social media. It can be concluded that the higher the bullying of political communication received by the Ambon city public from social media, the more difficult it is to care for the fraternity in arranging insight into healthy thinking in the public space and in the community. Penelitian ini membahas tentang etnografi bullying komunikasi politik di media sosial selama masa kampanye di kota Ambon dengan dua pokok masalah yaitu bagaimana realitas bullying politik di Facebook, Whatsapp dan Youtube, serta bagaimana kekuatan media sosial merusak sistem berpikir masyarakat melalui berita bullying komunikasi politik. Penelitian bercorak desktiptif kualitiatif ini menelaah secara eksploratif realitas bullying komunikasi politik di ruang public media sosial di kota Ambon. Perspektif yang digunakan dalam membaca realitas bullying komunikasi politik ini menggunakan wawasan komunikasi etnografi Hymens yang berasumsi bahwa bahasa berperan mencetak prilaku bullying komunikasi politik masyarakat dalam berdemokrasi. Teknik analisis menggunakan metode tafsir maudhu’i Abu Hayyan yang berasumsi bahwa setiap berita ada teks, makna dan konteks. Dari perspektif aksiologinya menggunakan metode komunikasi empaty sebagai parameter untuk menguji materi berita bullying politik di media sosial. Penelitian ini menemukan empat aspek yaitu: 1). Berita yang paling banyak dikonsumsi selama kampanye pilpres di kota Ambon adalah bullying politik yang merusak sistem sosial persatuan, persaudaraan, dan budaya empati Islam-Kristen. 2). Berita yang sangat berperan besar mengkonstruksi otak masyarakat di kota Ambon dan diskusi politik di warung kopi adalah berita yang bersumber dari Youtube. 3). Bullying politik berpengaruh terhadap perubahan pilihan politik untuk Pemilihan Presiden selama masa kampanye. 4). Berita yang dijadikan argument komunikasi politik 70% berasal dari berita di media sosial. Dapat disimpulkan bahwa semakin tinggi bullying komunikasi politik yang diterima oleh publik kota Ambon dari media sosial semakin sulit merawat persaudaraan menata wawasan berpikir sehat di ruang publik dan di masyarakat.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Anang Setiawan ◽  
Herdin Arie Saputra ◽  
Helen Dian Fridayani

In academic research, the Internet and the public domain's topic now has a permanent place; it is entering the mainstream of political communication studies. The coming out of the same ideas and opinions with social media can build a discourse for further discussion. One of the viral and trending discourses on Indonesian twitter was the rejection of OMNIBUSLAW; many people issued opinions using the hashtags #MosiTidakPercaya and #Tolakomnibuslaw, which emerged as a result of the passing of the omnibus law, which contains many irregularities in its ratification. This research was conducted by taking data on Twitter in October 2020 and processed using the Nvivo 12 Plus software. The results of this study indicate that the social media using twitter as information is 25%, where the public uses Twitter as a means of seeking information on the Job Creation Bill in its development process and its rejection in it, political communication is 48%, communication that is built has an interest in running political goals and as a movement. 25% of politics in pressuring the government and forming public opinion on the Work Creation Bill and a place for public space to communicate can be seen in the public space that people are interested in voicing their anxieties if there is a disagreement of opinion between stakeholders and the wider community.


Liquidity ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-118
Author(s):  
Iwan Subandi ◽  
Fathurrahman Djamil

Health is the basic right for everybody, therefore every citizen is entitled to get the health care. In enforcing the regulation for Jaringan Kesehatan Nasional (National Health Supports), it is heavily influenced by the foreign interests. Economically, this program does not reduce the people’s burdens, on the contrary, it will increase them. This means the health supports in which should place the government as the guarantor of the public health, but the people themselves that should pay for the health care. In the realization of the health support the are elements against the Syariah principles. Indonesian Muslim Religious Leaders (MUI) only say that the BPJS Kesehatan (Sosial Support Institution for Health) does not conform with the syariah. The society is asked to register and continue the participation in the program of Social Supports Institution for Health. The best solution is to enforce the mechanism which is in accordance with the syariah principles. The establishment of BPJS based on syariah has to be carried out in cooperation from the elements of Social Supports Institution (BPJS), Indonesian Muslim Religious (MUI), Financial Institution Authorities, National Social Supports Council, Ministry of Health, and Ministry of Finance. Accordingly, the Social Supports Institution for Helath (BPJS Kesehatan) based on syariah principles could be obtained and could became the solution of the polemics in the society.


Author(s):  
Ramnik Kaur

E-governance is a paradigm shift over the traditional approaches in Public Administration which means rendering of government services and information to the public by using electronic means. In the past decades, service quality and responsiveness of the government towards the citizens were least important but with the approach of E-Government the government activities are now well dealt. This paper withdraws experiences from various studies from different countries and projects facing similar challenges which need to be consigned for the successful implementation of e-governance projects. Developing countries like India face poverty and illiteracy as a major obstacle in any form of development which makes it difficult for its government to provide e-services to its people conveniently and fast. It also suggests few suggestions to cope up with the challenges faced while implementing e-projects in India.


2007 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
L. Lee

Dr. C.K. Clarke (1857-1924) was one of Canada’s most prominent psychiatrists. He sought to improve the conditions of asylums, helped to legitimize psychiatry and established formal training for nurses. At the beginning of the 20th Century, Canada experienced a surge of immigration. Yet – as many historians have shown – a widespread anti-foreigner sentiment within the public remained. Along with many other members of the fledgling eugenics movement, Clarke believed that the proportion of “mental defectives” was higher in the immigrant population than in the Canadian population and campaigned to restrict immigration. He appealed to the government to track immigrants and deport them once they showed signs of mental illness. Clarke’s efforts lead to amendments to the Immigration Act in 1919, which authorized deportation of people who were not Canadian-born, regardless of how many years that had been in Canada. This change applied not only to the mentally ill but also to those who could no longer work due to injury and to those who did not follow social norms. Clarke is a fascinating example of how we judge historical figures. He lived in a time where what we now think of as xenophobia was a socially acceptable, even worthy attitude. As a leader in eugenics, therefore, he was a progressive. Other biographers have recognized Clarke’s racist opinions, some of whom justify them as keeping with the social values of his era. In further exploring Clarke’s interest in these issues, this paper relies on his personal scrapbooks held in the CAMH archives. These documents contain personal papers, poems and stories that proclaim his anti-Semitic and anti-foreigner views. Whether we allow his involvement in the eugenics movement to overshadow his accomplishments or ignore his racist leanings to celebrate his memory is the subject of ongoing debate. Dowbiggin IR. Keeping America Sane: Psychiatry and Eugenics in the United States and Canada 1880-1940. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1997. McLaren A. Our Own Master Race: Eugenics in Canada 1885-1945. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1990. Roberts B. Whence They Came: Deportation from Canada 1900-1935. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1988.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (SPL1) ◽  
pp. 462-468
Author(s):  
Latika kothari ◽  
Sanskruti Wadatkar ◽  
Roshni Taori ◽  
Pavan Bajaj ◽  
Diksha Agrawal

Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) is a communicable infection caused by the novel coronavirus resulting in severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV). It was recognized to be a health crisis for the general population of international concern on 30th January 2020 and conceded as a pandemic on 11th March 2020. India is taking various measures to fight this invisible enemy by adopting different strategies and policies. To stop the COVID-19 from spreading, the Home Affairs Ministry and the health ministry, of India, has issued the nCoV 19 guidelines on travel. Screening for COVID-19 by asking questions about any symptoms, recent travel history, and exposure. India has been trying to get testing kits available. The government of India has enforced various laws like the social distancing, Janata curfew, strict lockdowns, screening door to door to control the spread of novel coronavirus. In this pandemic, innovative medical treatments are being explored, and a proper vaccine is being hunted to deal with the situation. Infection control measures are necessary to prevent the virus from further spreading and to help control the current situation. Thus, this review illustrates and explains the criteria provided by the government of India to the awareness of the public to prevent the spread of COVID-19.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Joyce

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the 2016 elections for Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCs) and to compare them with those that took place in 2012. It seeks to evaluate the background of the candidates who stood for office in 2016, the policies that they put forward, the results of the contests and the implications of the 2016 experience for future PCC elections. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based around several key themes – the profile of candidates who stood for election, preparations conducted prior to the contests taking place, the election campaign and issues raised during the contests, the results and the profile of elected candidates. The paper is based upon documentary research, making particular use of primary source material. Findings The research establishes that affiliation to a political party became the main route for successful candidates in 2016 and that local issues related to low-level criminality will dominate the future policing agenda. It establishes that although turnout was higher than in 2012, it remains low and that further consideration needs to be devoted to initiatives to address this for future PCC election contests. Research limitations/implications The research focusses on the 2016 elections and identifies a number of key issues that emerged during the campaign affecting the conduct of the contests which have a bearing on future PCC elections. It treats these elections as a bespoke topic and does not seek to place them within the broader context of the development of the office of PCC. Practical implications The research suggests that in order to boost voter participation in future PCC election contests, PCCs need to consider further means to advertise the importance of the role they perform and that the government should play a larger financial role in funding publicity for these elections and consider changing the method of election. Social implications The rationale for introducing PCCs was to empower the public in each police force area. However, issues that include the enhanced importance of political affiliation as a criteria for election in 2016 and the social unrepresentative nature of those who stood for election and those who secured election to this office in these contests coupled with shortcomings related to public awareness of both the role of PCCs and the timing of election contests threaten to undermine this objective. Originality/value The extensive use of primary source material ensures that the subject matter is original and its interpretation is informed by an academic perspective.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (10) ◽  
pp. 280 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aznar

Over the past decade, the problems arising from social communication have yet again become burning issues on social and political agendas. Information disorder, hate speeches, information manipulation, social networking sites, etc., have obliged the most important European institutions to reflect on how to meet the collective challenges that social communication currently poses in the new millennium. These European Institutions have made a clear commitment to self-regulation. The article reviews some recent European initiatives to deal with information disorder that has given a fundamental role to self-regulation. To then carry out a theoretical review of the normative notion of self-regulation that distinguishes it from the neo-liberal economicist conception. To this end, (1) a distinction is drawn between the (purportedly) self-regulating market and (2) a broader conception of self-regulation inherent not to media companies or corporations, but to the social subsystem of social communication, is proposed. This involves increasing the number of self-regulatory mechanisms that may contribute to improve social communication, and reinforcing the commitment of those who should exercise such self-regulation, including not only media companies but also the professionals working at them and the public at large.


1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 372-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Minseok An ◽  
George H. Sage

In the past decade, to help maintain political stability and promote economic growth, South Korea has committed substantial resources to commercialized sports, including golf. A major source of support for building golf courses has come from government leaders and economic and social incentives as well. In the past 4 years the government has given permission to build 135 new golf courses. The official government discourse about the new golf courses is that they are being built in the interest of “sport for all.” But the golf courses overwhelmingly require membership, which is extremely expensive. Despite the enormous power and resources of the dominant groups in Korea, there are elements of opposition. The golf boom has been severely criticized because it removes large amounts of land from agricultural and industrial productivity, contaminates farm land, and pollutes water. It also represents the worst aspects of the social imbalance of wealth.


1985 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hudson

The past decade has seen the growth of a considerable literature on the link between government popularity, as reflected by the proportion of the public indicating their intention to vote for the government in opinion polls, and the state of the economy, as represented by certain key variables. The work began in the early 1970s with articles by Goodhart and Bhansali, Mueller, and Kramer. It continued through the decade; some of the more recent contributions can be found in a set of readings edited by Hibbs and Fassbender. However, despite the amount and quality of this work, problems remain. Principal amongst these, as Chrystal and Alt have pointed out, is the inability to estimate a relationship which exhibits any degree of stability either over time or between researchers. Nearly all the studies have been successful in finding a significant relationship for specific time periods, but when these are extended, or when the function is used to forecast outside the original estimation period, the relationship appears to break down.


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