scholarly journals Jan Jakub Rousseau konstytucjonalistą. Projekty dla Korsyki i Rzeczypospolitej szlacheckiej (część I)

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (4 (1)) ◽  
pp. 107-121
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Filipiak

In the Age of Enlightenment, the concepts of legal reforms were often proposed by literary men, publicists and philosophers. The vision of a breakthrough was exciting – they believed in the benevolent power of new, just regulations that would heal humanity, eradicate exploitation and social inequalities. Jean Jacques Rousseau, one of the most famous but controversial thinkers of the era, thought in a similar way. The dissertation concerns his two constitutional projects - written for Corsica (Part I) and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (Part II). The first part presents events that decided that the philosopher from Geneva dealt with the issue of a small island in the Mediterranean, trying to consolidate its barely won independence. However, the focus is on the very concepts of the political and social system planned for Corsica by Rousseau, referring them to the previous works of the thinker. His radical solutions expressed his broader views on civilization, the state, law and people. In part II of the article, they will be confronted with the project prepared for the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-258
Author(s):  
Ifdholul Maghfur ◽  
Moh. Mukhsinin Syu’aibi

Economic nationalism in the perspective of Islam for its adherents not only becomes religion and state in the sense of Western studies but it is also a system that encompasses all aspects of human life in the sphere of the state and nation. In his book, Marcel Boisard considers that the universality of Islam as a religion and social system can be proven in five aspects: the metaphysical aspect, the religious aspect, the sociological aspect, the economic aspect and the political aspect. Nationalism or belief in one's own product as a faith in the Essence of God as outlined in a very strong belief, Islam is a universal ideology that cannot be equated with any ideology and religion


Author(s):  
Andrzej Gladii

In this paper was taken an attempt to research the causes of separatism in the Donbass based on a multi-faceted inquiry. Donbass has always been a key region in Ukraine. In many cases here were decided the political and economic destiny of the state. This region is the most socially and economically diversified. Donbass is a place of the most dangerous working conditions and the enormous social inequalities in Ukraine.In 2014 after the events at the Euromaidan Donbass was a field of fighting between the Ukrainian government and Russian-backed separatists. The issue of separatism in Ukraine remains unresolved.


2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-112
Author(s):  
Shahnaz Khan

Lamia Rustum Shehadeh’s timely book, The Idea of Woman inFundamentalist Islam, begins with a brief biography of influential “fundamentalists.” She examines the context in which they formulated their theoriesand the extent to which they influenced each other, a process thatallows us to see their ideas as a response to the historical, political, andsocial environments in which they lived. For example, the MuslimBrotherhood, founded by Hasan al-Banna in 1928, not only helped formulateand consolidate Islamic revivalism in Egypt, but also helped provide ablueprint for a sociopolitical organization that promoted the political Islamor Islamism influencing chapters in Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, and Palestine.The ideas promoted by the Brotherhood also spread to Sudan, where theycontinue to guide the current regime’s policies. In some cases, as in Iran andSudan, pronouncements of these ideologues influence state law and publicpolicy. At other times they challenge the state, as in Tunisia.Al-Banna promotes the view that Muslim countries became impoverishedand fell under European control because they have deviated fromIslam. He suggests that Muslims see Islam as the solution to their problems.However, al-Banna and other Islamists believe that Islam’s historicaltraditions are irrelevant for modern times. Instead, they propose areturn to what they believe to be the traditions of the Prophet’s time andthat of the first four caliphs. Moreover, they advocate the use of ijtihad(independent judgment), a practice that allows them to interpret seventhcenturytraditions in light of modern needs. Islamist ideologues reservethis practice for themselves, and thus largely marginalize its alternativeuses by feminists and other progressive groups to advance women’s rightsor minority rights ...


2016 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 463-483
Author(s):  
Alan Sheppard

Ecclesiazusae, the first surviving work of Aristophanes from the fourth centuryb.c.e., has often been dismissed as an example of Aristophanes’ declining powers and categorized as being less directly rooted in politics than its fifth-century predecessors owing to the after-effects of Athens’ defeat in the Peloponnesian War. Arguing against this perception, which was largely based on the absence of ad hominem attacks characterizing Aristophanes’ earlier works, this paper explores howEcclesiazusaeengages with contemporary post-war Athenian politics in a manner which, while different to his earlier comedies, remained closely rooted in the political and cultural concerns of the 390s. By examining the figure of Praxagora, I will first consider recent suggestions thatEcclesiazusaehints at the possibility of an anti-democratic coup. I will then examine how contemporary discussions of constitutional and legal reforms (including the invocation of ‘founding fathers’ such as Solon and Lycurgus) are incorporated into both Praxagora's language and the scenes featuring the Selfish Man and Hags that follow the establishment of Praxagora's regime. Examining these final scenes, I conclude thatEcclesiasuzaedoes not suggest that the idea of democratic equality itself is fundamentally flawed, but instead argues that Athens needs a suitable leader, well suited to the rough and tumble of assembly rhetoric, in order to successfully function. In the world ofEcclesiazusae,the men of Athens have failed too often to inspire any hope, putting their own interest above the state, and the new leader must be someone different. Thus Aristophanes sets up Praxagora as a female Solon to remake the state and lead the democracy. The second half of the play demonstrates this need for a strong leader, as problems arise both from the quarter of critical bystanders (the Selfish Man and Epigenes, the Young Man in the ‘hag scene’) and from over-zealous enforcers (the Old Women).


Author(s):  
Klaus Vieweg

Hegel’s theory of the state is the culmination of his practical philosophy that he presents as a philosophy of freedom. However, many substantial contents of the Philosophy of Right remain unexplored unless one draws on the Science of Logic, which constitutes the coordination system of the argument. This chapter examines the fact that Hegel describes the state as a whole of three syllogisms. This does not apply to the structure of internal state law and to the political state (the constitution) only but also elucidates the overall structure of the state. Crucially, the application of the triad of the syllogism is realised in the context of interpreting the state as a single totality, that is as a whole that supplies its own inner logical mediation. So what is at stake is the justification of the individual freedom of all particular actors within the universality of a modern and democratic state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 140-149
Author(s):  
Vladimir Valentinovich Kozhevnikov

The article emphasizes and substantiates the leading place of the political (state, state-legal) regime in the system of elements of the state form. Attention is paid to the correlation of political, state and state-legal regime, emphasizing that the latter characterizes democratic states.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Jamin

<p align="center"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p><em>It is empirical fact in Indonesia not only has written  law which imposed by state power ( state law). Beside written law there is also unwritten law  which often called the non state law. Political of law to  uniting as one political unity and enforce the legal sentralism has disregarded the  fact of legal pluralism ( the political of ignorance). Political of law  of the Judicial Power Code  which imposed during the time does not clearly arrange the state recognation to unwritten law, even unwritten law is recognnized, but still very sumir and floating. Although  Code No. 48/2009 about Judicial Power adopt the politics of legal pluralism and recognizes the existence unwritten law, but it is still sham (weak legal pluralism), causing that in fact predominate the state law still happened and unwritten law only becoming complement to state law. Political forwards legal pluralism in   Judicial Power Code ideally is not made conditional. The   political legal  pluralism of Judicial Power Code must to adopt strong legal pluralism,  so can accommodate pluralism in society.</em></p><p><em>Key Words</em><em> : </em><em>Legal Pluralism</em><em>, </em><em>Judicial Power</em><em>, </em><em>Unwritten Law</em><em>.</em></p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 118-120
Author(s):  
Vladimir Valentinovich Kozhevnikov

The article emphasizes and substantiates the leading place of the political (state, state-legal) regime in the system of elements of the state form. Attention is paid to the correlation of political, state and state-legal regime, emphasizing that the latter characterizes democratic states.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.


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