scholarly journals NASIONALISME EKONOMI DI INDONESIA (Prespektif Ekonomi Islam dalam Al-Qur’an dan Hadis)

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-258
Author(s):  
Ifdholul Maghfur ◽  
Moh. Mukhsinin Syu’aibi

Economic nationalism in the perspective of Islam for its adherents not only becomes religion and state in the sense of Western studies but it is also a system that encompasses all aspects of human life in the sphere of the state and nation. In his book, Marcel Boisard considers that the universality of Islam as a religion and social system can be proven in five aspects: the metaphysical aspect, the religious aspect, the sociological aspect, the economic aspect and the political aspect. Nationalism or belief in one's own product as a faith in the Essence of God as outlined in a very strong belief, Islam is a universal ideology that cannot be equated with any ideology and religion

2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.


Author(s):  
Luana Faria Medeiros

POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY AND THE MINERAL SECTOR: the legislative propositions that impact the management of the territories with mining in the state of Pará – 2011 to 2016GEOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA Y EL SECTOR MINERO: las proposiciones legislativas que impactan la gestión de los territorios con la minería en el estado de Pará – 2011 a 2016O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de resgatar o campo da política na Geografia, no contexto da atividade mineral no estado do Pará, principalmente diante de vários entendimentos de que os conflitos de interesses nas sociedades e nos territórios se resolvem também pelo viés político; partindo de uma leitura teórica do conceito de território, poder e política, onde essa tríade será determinante para o entendimento das proposições legislativas dos anos de 2011 a 2016 voltadas para a mineração, e da análise da gestão política e territorial no setor mineral paraense e seus impactos na sociedade a partir das políticas públicas. A relevância da pesquisa está no aspecto político que envolve a tomada de decisão que é essencialmente importante nas relações sociais de poder do Governo do Estado do Pará que, materializadas, causam impactos no território com mineração, sobretudo na utilização da taxa mineral, instrumento regulador de ação no território.Palavras-chave: Território; Poder; Política; Mineração.ABSTRACTThe present work aims to redeem the field of politics in geography, in the context of the mineral activity in the state of Pará, mainly faced with various understanding that conflicts of interests in societies and territories also resolve by bias Political; Starting from a theoretical reading of the concept of territory, power and politics, where this triad will be decisive for the understanding of the legislative propositions of the years of 2011 to 2016 focused on mining, and the analysis of the political and territorial management in the mineral sector Pará and Its impacts on society from public Policy. The relevance of the research is in the political aspect which involves the decision making which is essentially important in the social relations of the Government of the state of Pará that, materialized, cause impacts on the territory with mining, especially in the use of the mineral rate, Action-regulating instrument in the territory.Keywords: Territory; Power; Policy; Mining.RESUMEN El presente trabajo pretende redimir el campo de la política en geografía, en el contexto de la actividad minera en el estado de Pará, frente principalmente a diversos entendimientos de que los conflictos de intereses en sociedades y territorios también se resuelven por sesgo Política. A partir de una lectura teórica del concepto de territorio, poder y política, donde esta tríada será decisiva para la comprensión de las proposiciones legislativas de los años de 2011 a 2016 se centró en la minería, y el análisis de la gestión política y territorial en el sector minero de Pará y Sus impactos en la sociedad de la política pública. La relevancia de la investigación está en el aspecto político que implica la toma de decisiones que es esencialmente importante en las relaciones sociales del gobierno del estado de Pará que, materializadas, causan impactos en el territorio con la minería, especialmente en el uso de la tasa mineral, Instrumento de regulación de la acción en el territorio.Palabras clave: Territorio; Poder; Política; Minería.


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.


2004 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Hodnett

This article looks at the importance of the state in the theologies of Paul Tillich and Arnold van Ruler. The state is the community in which both the individual and the community are actualised. It is also the institution that organises the life of the nation. The orientation of the state has a direct impact on the direction of human life. The state is the centre of power and justice in reality; it is the political core of history. The state also has the power to actualise itself according to the justice that it posits and in this process love is embedded as the ultimate criterion of justice. Love, power and justice are intimately related to the kingdom of God. The state, even the pagan state, thus performs the reuniting and saving work of God on earth.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 251-271
Author(s):  
Imran Ahmed

Abstract Religious authorities in many Muslim-majority countries have argued that the suspension of communal prayers during an epidemic does not contravene Islamic law. In Pakistan, such measures have proven difficult to enforce, in part because many religious leaders in the country have opposed the closure of places of worship and the limits placed on public religious gatherings. The question is why? This paper suggests that the distrust of the state in matters of religion in Pakistan can be traced back to the colonial era, and that the political developments following independence have amplified frustration and mistrust between political and religious authorities in the country. Significant sources of contention in matters of religion and state remain unresolved under the prime ministership of Imran Khan. At the same time, the pandemic has thrust earlier conflicts into the spotlight and exposed contests over opinion, expertise, and authority in matters of religion and public health.


1997 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde

The focus of this paper is not on the person, but on the work of Carl Schmitt, in particular the significance of Schmitt's concept of the political for an understanding of his legal and constitutional theory. Let me start with a short personal memory. When I was a third year law student, I read Carl Schmitt's Constitutional Theory. I came across the formulations that the state is the political unity of a people and that the rule of law component in a constitution is an unpolitical component. I was puzzled by these two remarks. I had learned from Georg Jellinek that the state, from a sociological perspective, is a purposeful corporative unit and, from a legal perspective, represents a territorially based corporation. I had also gathered some knowledge about “organic” state theories, especially that of Otto von Gierke who considers the state an organism and a real corporative personality rather than a mere legal fiction. On the basis of these theories, I felt unable to understand Schmitt's point that the state is the political unity of a people, because in those theories the political aspect is largely missing. It was only later that, by reading and studying Carl Schmitt's essay The Concept of the Political, I gradually learned to make sense of the above remarks. Thus I have discovered that that essay, and the understanding of the political elaborated in it, contains the key to understanding Carl Schmitt's constitutional theory in general. I would now like to explain this.


HUMANIS ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
I Gede Prama Saputra ◽  
I Ketut Setiawan ◽  
Coleta Palupi Titasari

This study is concentrated on a group of inscriptions currently stored in Bale Agung Kintamani Temple. Therefore the problemsis consists of two questions, those are: how the linguistic aspects of the inscription and aspects of social institutions enclosed to the inscription. The are two phasesresearch method. Data collection is done through libraryresearch and observation to documentation result. The collected dataare analyzed through morphological analysis and qualitative analysis.The research results showed that the Kintamani E inscription contains several aspects of language such as the using of affixation are Perfix: (di-, sa-, a- or ma-, pa-, ka-, pari-, Infix: -um- , -in-, suffixes: -nya-, -aken, - ?n, konfiks: (pa - an), (ma - an), (ka - an), (ma - ak?n), (pa - nya), (saka-nya).The social orders involved the political aspect, economic aspect, religious aspect and social aspects contained in the inscription very possibly reflectedthe society at that time


2005 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-75
Author(s):  
Andrew Basden

In “On the character of social communities; the state and the public domain” [Philosophia Reformata 69(2):125-39, 2004] Dick Stafleu has suggested that the social aspect as currently constituted under Dooyeweerd, covers two distinct things: ”¢ companionship ”¢ authority and discipline, and that the latter should become a new aspect, the political, placed after the economic and before the juridical. (Stafleu seems to have dispensed with the aesthetic aspect that currently lies between those two aspects, largely taking Seerveld’s line that it should be redefined and placed earlier; see footnote 9 on p.130) I would like to briefly suggest some issues that need to be discussed and resolved before his suggestion is adopted. I have long felt the tension between the two parts of Dooyeweerd’s version of the social aspect that Stafleu refers to — companionship and authority — and I think Stafleu is right to open up discussion about it. But I am not happy that his proposal either is necessary or solves the problem. Moreover, I can also understand something of Dooyeweerd’s own thinking as he kept the two together.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-91
Author(s):  
Sudarti Sudarti

  The author in this study wanted to see the similarities and differences in the political thoughts of Soekarno and Fazlur Rahman about the relationship between religion and the state. The type of research used is library research with a descriptive-comparative method. The results showed that Soekarno and Fazlur Rahman had a different paradigm in viewing the relationship between religion and state. Soekarno has a secularistic paradigm that separates religion and state to be implemented in Indonesia, while Fazlur Rahman has an Integralistic paradigm in which religion (Islam) and the state cannot be separated (integrated). However, these two figures agree that the sovereignty of a country is in the hands of the people and do not agree with the theory of God's sovereignty because God has never acted as politically sovereign nor as a maker of laws or laws. Keywords: Secularistic Paradigm, Integralistic Paradigm, God's Sovereignty.  


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (4 (1)) ◽  
pp. 107-121
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Filipiak

In the Age of Enlightenment, the concepts of legal reforms were often proposed by literary men, publicists and philosophers. The vision of a breakthrough was exciting – they believed in the benevolent power of new, just regulations that would heal humanity, eradicate exploitation and social inequalities. Jean Jacques Rousseau, one of the most famous but controversial thinkers of the era, thought in a similar way. The dissertation concerns his two constitutional projects - written for Corsica (Part I) and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (Part II). The first part presents events that decided that the philosopher from Geneva dealt with the issue of a small island in the Mediterranean, trying to consolidate its barely won independence. However, the focus is on the very concepts of the political and social system planned for Corsica by Rousseau, referring them to the previous works of the thinker. His radical solutions expressed his broader views on civilization, the state, law and people. In part II of the article, they will be confronted with the project prepared for the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.


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