Pole manipulacji czy walka o egzystencję? Realizacja prerogatywy królewskiej wobec sejmików w drugiej połowie XVI i na początku XVII w.

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-58
Author(s):  
Dariusz Makiłła

The subject of this paper is the political practice existing in the relations between the Royal court and the local assemblies of gentry in the Commonwealth of Poland in the second half of the 16th and the beginning of the 17th century. The functioning of power relations, especially the conducting of the legislative process, was based on the defined foundations of the state order, established in the constitutional law called the Henrician Articles that came into force in 1576. They demanded of the Royal court that they respect the position and role of local assemblies, empowered in the political system of the Commonwealth of Poland. These relations were invested with pragmatism to a large extent. In order to have the political needs fulfilled, the court endeavored to win a friendly attitude of local assemblies towards the realization of its political plans during the parliamentary sessions. At the same time, the local assemblies which were developing the conviction that they were merely one of the instruments of the Royal politics, appealed to their own problems, which made the target of their politics during the summoned diets. In this way, the Royal politics very often clashed with the aspirations of the gentry at the assemblies’ meetings, sometimes entering the sphere of rivalry.

Prawo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 328 ◽  
pp. 109-151
Author(s):  
Leonard Górnicki

Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic: position within the political system, organisational structure and decision-makingEstablished one hundred years ago, the Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic initiated and prepared draft legislation dealing with private, criminal, substantive and procedural law as well as the judiciary and the legal profession. The Commission served as de facto legislator, that is lawmaker in the sociological sense, for it had a genuine impact on the content and form of legislative acts.In the article the author analyses the position of the Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic within the legal system, on which opinions differ in the literature on the subject. He defends the thesis that is was a central state institution, the existence of which was not, however, coordinated with the political system of the Second Polish Republic. Next, he investigates the impact of the transformations of the organisational structure and decision-making methodology on the efficiency of the Commission’s codification process. He takes into account the management and administration of the Codification Commission, organisation of work in Departments, Sections Subsections, Subcommittees, role of the delegates of the Minister of Justice and delegates of ministries, finally — decision-making mechanisms, including adoption of drafts as well as work in the Sections Subsections and Subcommittees. The author concludes that the experiences of the Second Polish Republic’s Codification Commission, a central state institution of advisory nature, established for an indefinite period, demonstrate that the best solution is to entrust codification to a special, apolitical and expert codification commission, operating with a degree of independence, of internal autonomy. Within such a commission a more effective mode of operation is preparation of drafts by teams of several people and then consultation of these drafts by larger bodies.Die Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik: institutionelles System, organisatorische Struktur, EntscheidungenDie Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik, die vor hundert Jahren entstandt, hat Entwürfe von Rechtsakten aus dem Bereich des Privat- und Strafrechts des Sachen- und Verfahrensrechtes sowie betreffend die Struktur der Gerichte und der Anwaltschaft eingeleitet und vorbereitet. Sie war praktisch ein Gesetzgeber, also soziologisch gesehen ein Rechtgeber, denn sie hatte einen realen Einfluss auf den Inhalt der Rechtsakten und die Bestimmung ihrer formellen Gestalt.Der Autor analysiert zuerst den staatsrechtlichen Rahmen der Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik, der in der Fachliteratur verschieden gesehen wird. Er verteidigt die These, dass die Kommission eine zentrale staatliche Institution war, deren Bestehen mit dem strukturellen System der Zweiten Polnischen Republik jedoch nicht koordiniert war. Dann untersucht er den Einfluss der Umwandlungen der Organisationsstruktur und der Methodik der Entscheidungen auf die Effektivität des Prozesses der Kodifikation des Rechts durch die Kodifikationskommission. Er berücksichtigt also die Führungsorgane und die Verwaltung der Kodifikationskommission, die Organisation der Arbeit in den Abteilungen, Sektionen Untersektionen und Unterkommissionen, die Rolle der Abgeordneten des Justizministers und der Abgeordneten der Ministerien, und zum Schluss die Mechanismen der Entscheidungen, darunter die Beschließung der Entwürfe und die Arbeit in den Sektionen Untersektionen sowie in den Unterkommissionen.Der Autor kommt zum Schluss, dass die Erfahrungen der Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik, die eine für unbestimmte Zeit berufene, zentrale staatliche Organisation eines beratenden Charakters war, bewiesen haben, dass die beste Lösung wäre, eine speziell dazu berufene, apolitische Fachkodifikationskommission, die über gewisse Selbständigkeit und interne Autonomie verfügen würde, mit der Kodifikation des Rechts zu beauftragen. Im Rahmen einer solchen Kommission stellt eine Arbeitsgruppe, die aus ein paar Personen besteht, die Entwürfe zuerst vorbereitet und sie erst später breiteren Gremien zur Konsultation vorlegt, ein effektiveres Modell dar.


2019 ◽  
pp. 93-108
Author(s):  
Wiesław Theiss

The subject of the article is the relation between social pedagogy – the so-called real socialism, seen in the perspective of the nationwide conference on social pedagogy and social policy held in Warsaw in 1967. This forgotten today, but important event was another attempt at the process of positioning social pedagogy in the political, social and scientific realities of the time. It was aimed at showing the place and role of this discipline of education in building the so-called socialist system. During the conference there was a dialog and confrontation between two fundamental ways of understanding social pedagogy: the “traditional” one, in accordance with the concept of Helena Radlińska, and the “socialist” one, corresponding to the principles of the political system of the country building a “developed socialist society”. A visible result of this discourse was the concept of a “third space”: social pedagogy, which, while maintaining the traditional ideological and scientific objectives, was engaged in solving current civil, educational, cultural and social problems. In this perspective, the primary influence of historical and social factors on the development of social pedagogy, its ideological foundations, theory and practice is sometimes revealed.


2015 ◽  
pp. 137-157
Author(s):  
Joanna Modrzejewska-Leśniewska

The institution of the president exists in the majority of the countries of the western world.Depending on the prerogatives granted by the constitution, the president may performeither a representative function or have the real power. No matter what the role of thepresident is, the position is deeply embedded in the political system, and the constitutional law as well as political practice specify its scope of competencies and capabilities.When we go beyond the Euro-Atlantic area, we can also find the states where an officeof president is run. While its formation, Asian, African and South American societies,consciously or not, usually emulated the Euro-Atlantic experiences. In general, historicalbackground of the non-European states, however, makes the history of the presidentialoffice shorter, and the introduction of this position was often a result of violent sociopolitical changes. What often distinguishes the presidencies of the African and Asiancountries from the Euro-Atlantic ones is their instability – in running this office a lotdepends on the personality traits of the person holding it as well as on the tradition (orlack thereof) of strong central governance. On that premise, the presidency history ofa non-European state, i.e. Afghanistan can be presented. This is an interesting case sincethe above mentioned factors are clearly visible in here, and the state’s internal politicalsituation is unstable. In addition, as the international forces are supposed to be withdrawnfrom the country until the end of 2014, the president may then become the main bodyformulating public policy and, thus, shaping the future of Afghanistan.


Author(s):  
Pavel Lysikov

Introduction. The study is dedicated to the system of co-rulership in Byzantium in the early Palaiologan period. Our goal is to determine the role of the Byzantine emperor, the son and co-ruler of his father, the emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282–1328), Michael IX (1294–1320) in the political destabilization of the empire at the turn of the 13th–14th centuries by identifying the specific nature of power relations in the state at the time under study. Methods. The methodological basis of the study is a systematic approach. The power relations in Byzantium at the turn of the 13th–14th c. are considered as a system of interconnected elements that perform certain functions in relation to each other and to the system as a whole. The principles of the hermeneutic method allow us to give a holistic interpretation of the sources that form our understanding of the subject under study. Analysis and Results. As a result of the study, we found out that the specific nature of power relations in Byzantium at that time was determined by two circumstances. First, by the institutionalization of the co-rulership that occurred during the reign of the first Palaiologoi. It was mostly due to the publication of the prostagma by Michael VIII (1259–1282) in 1272, an important document, many provisions of which, in our opinion, were fully implemented (and, to some extent, even expanded) during the reign of his son Andronikos II. Second, by the division of managerial functions within the ruling family. While Andronikos II dealt with a whole range of issues related to various state activities (fiscal, socio-economic, administrative, political and legal, foreign policy, etc.), the younger basileus concentrated in his hands mainly the command of the army. The isolated position of Michael IX which consisted in his constant stay outside Constantinople and the presence of significant military contingents under his control provided a certain degree of independence for the younger basileus in his military and political decisions which often contradicted those of his father. At the same time, this separate co-existence of two imperial courts in the state with their own staff of courtiers disrupted the unity within a narrow group of the Byzantine elite, led to its disengagement and the appearance of people who associated with the younger emperor their further acquisition of high ranks and broader powers in Byzantium. After the death of Michael IX (1320) this circumstance will have a significant impact on the outbreak of the civil war in the empire (1321–1328).


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.


Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.


Organization ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 135050842110612
Author(s):  
Daniel S Lacerda

The spatial imaginations of organisations can be particularly insightful for examining power relations. However, only recently they have gone beyond the limits of the workplace, demonstrating the role of the territory for organised action, particularly in mobilising solidarity for resistance. In this article, I investigate power relations revealed by the political economy of the territory to explain contradictory actions undertaken by organisations. Specifically, I adopt the theoretical framework of the noted Brazilian geographer Milton Santos, who recognises spatial multiplicity and fragmentation while maintaining an appreciation of the structural conditions of the political economy. This perspective is particularly useful for the analysis of civil society organisations (CSOs) in a Brazilian favela (slum), given the context of high inequality perpetuated by the selective flows of urban development. First, I show that the history of favelas and their role in the territorial division of labour explain the profiles of existing organisations. Then, I examine how the political engagement of CSOs with distinct solidarities results in a dialectical tension that leads to both resistance based on local shared interests and the active reproduction of central spaces even if the ends are not shared. The article contributes to the literature of space and organisations by explaining how territorial dynamics mediate power relations within and across organisations, not only as resistance but also as the active reproduction of economic and political regimes.


Author(s):  
Richard Whiting

In assessing the relationship between trade unions and British politics, this chapter has two focuses. First, it examines the role of trade unions as significant intermediate associations within the political system. They have been significant as the means for the development of citizenship and involvement in society, as well as a restraint upon the power of the state. Their power has also raised questions about the relationship between the role of associations and the freedom of the individual. Second, the chapter considers critical moments when the trade unions challenged the authority of governments, especially in the periods 1918–26 and 1979–85. Both of these lines of inquiry underline the importance of conservatism in the achievement of stability in modern Britain.


1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 754-771 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond F. Hopkins

The study of politics in “developing” countries has tended to focus on the less formal organs of government, such as political parties, the military, the bureaucracy, and even the educational system. National legislatures have often been ignored or rated of little significance in the political processes of these states. This practice contrasts markedly with the attention paid to legislatures in Western states. The most obvious explanation for it is that legislatures in new states tend to have little influence. Important decisions and shifts in power are usually made or recorded elsewhere in the political system.The Bunge, or National Assembly, of Tanzania is no exception to this general phenomenon. Nevertheless, an examination of the role of M.P.'s in Tanzania can be illuminating. The Bunge contains most of the major political leaders and has, at least constitutionally, broad authority. As a consequence, if the Assembly is to be only a weak political body, then informal norms limiting the powers of the M.P.'s role must exist. Moreover, these norms should prescribe authority relationships between the legislature and other policy shaping bodies in the political system, particularly the Party. Thus, an analysis of the roles of these men can provide important insights not only into the functions of the Bunge, but also into the elite political culture of Tanzania and the pattern of politics which this culture supports.


1951 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 464-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil C. M. Elder

The joint standing committees of the Swedish Parliament are unique institutions of particular interest to the political analyst. They are the very linchpin of the legislative process in Sweden; they mediate in the event of intercameral disputes; and they even arrogate to themselves quasi-governmental powers when the government cannot muster a majority in the legislature.


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