scholarly journals Dialog and confrontation Conference on social pedagogy and social policy in 1967

2019 ◽  
pp. 93-108
Author(s):  
Wiesław Theiss

The subject of the article is the relation between social pedagogy – the so-called real socialism, seen in the perspective of the nationwide conference on social pedagogy and social policy held in Warsaw in 1967. This forgotten today, but important event was another attempt at the process of positioning social pedagogy in the political, social and scientific realities of the time. It was aimed at showing the place and role of this discipline of education in building the so-called socialist system. During the conference there was a dialog and confrontation between two fundamental ways of understanding social pedagogy: the “traditional” one, in accordance with the concept of Helena Radlińska, and the “socialist” one, corresponding to the principles of the political system of the country building a “developed socialist society”. A visible result of this discourse was the concept of a “third space”: social pedagogy, which, while maintaining the traditional ideological and scientific objectives, was engaged in solving current civil, educational, cultural and social problems. In this perspective, the primary influence of historical and social factors on the development of social pedagogy, its ideological foundations, theory and practice is sometimes revealed.

Prawo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 328 ◽  
pp. 109-151
Author(s):  
Leonard Górnicki

Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic: position within the political system, organisational structure and decision-makingEstablished one hundred years ago, the Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic initiated and prepared draft legislation dealing with private, criminal, substantive and procedural law as well as the judiciary and the legal profession. The Commission served as de facto legislator, that is lawmaker in the sociological sense, for it had a genuine impact on the content and form of legislative acts.In the article the author analyses the position of the Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic within the legal system, on which opinions differ in the literature on the subject. He defends the thesis that is was a central state institution, the existence of which was not, however, coordinated with the political system of the Second Polish Republic. Next, he investigates the impact of the transformations of the organisational structure and decision-making methodology on the efficiency of the Commission’s codification process. He takes into account the management and administration of the Codification Commission, organisation of work in Departments, Sections Subsections, Subcommittees, role of the delegates of the Minister of Justice and delegates of ministries, finally — decision-making mechanisms, including adoption of drafts as well as work in the Sections Subsections and Subcommittees. The author concludes that the experiences of the Second Polish Republic’s Codification Commission, a central state institution of advisory nature, established for an indefinite period, demonstrate that the best solution is to entrust codification to a special, apolitical and expert codification commission, operating with a degree of independence, of internal autonomy. Within such a commission a more effective mode of operation is preparation of drafts by teams of several people and then consultation of these drafts by larger bodies.Die Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik: institutionelles System, organisatorische Struktur, EntscheidungenDie Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik, die vor hundert Jahren entstandt, hat Entwürfe von Rechtsakten aus dem Bereich des Privat- und Strafrechts des Sachen- und Verfahrensrechtes sowie betreffend die Struktur der Gerichte und der Anwaltschaft eingeleitet und vorbereitet. Sie war praktisch ein Gesetzgeber, also soziologisch gesehen ein Rechtgeber, denn sie hatte einen realen Einfluss auf den Inhalt der Rechtsakten und die Bestimmung ihrer formellen Gestalt.Der Autor analysiert zuerst den staatsrechtlichen Rahmen der Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik, der in der Fachliteratur verschieden gesehen wird. Er verteidigt die These, dass die Kommission eine zentrale staatliche Institution war, deren Bestehen mit dem strukturellen System der Zweiten Polnischen Republik jedoch nicht koordiniert war. Dann untersucht er den Einfluss der Umwandlungen der Organisationsstruktur und der Methodik der Entscheidungen auf die Effektivität des Prozesses der Kodifikation des Rechts durch die Kodifikationskommission. Er berücksichtigt also die Führungsorgane und die Verwaltung der Kodifikationskommission, die Organisation der Arbeit in den Abteilungen, Sektionen Untersektionen und Unterkommissionen, die Rolle der Abgeordneten des Justizministers und der Abgeordneten der Ministerien, und zum Schluss die Mechanismen der Entscheidungen, darunter die Beschließung der Entwürfe und die Arbeit in den Sektionen Untersektionen sowie in den Unterkommissionen.Der Autor kommt zum Schluss, dass die Erfahrungen der Kodifikationskommission der Zweiten Polnischen Republik, die eine für unbestimmte Zeit berufene, zentrale staatliche Organisation eines beratenden Charakters war, bewiesen haben, dass die beste Lösung wäre, eine speziell dazu berufene, apolitische Fachkodifikationskommission, die über gewisse Selbständigkeit und interne Autonomie verfügen würde, mit der Kodifikation des Rechts zu beauftragen. Im Rahmen einer solchen Kommission stellt eine Arbeitsgruppe, die aus ein paar Personen besteht, die Entwürfe zuerst vorbereitet und sie erst später breiteren Gremien zur Konsultation vorlegt, ein effektiveres Modell dar.


2021 ◽  
pp. 3-23
Author(s):  
Janusz Kaliński ◽  

Purpose – The article points to the important role of the economic crisis of 1979-1982 in the process of the collapse of the political and economic system imposed on Poland after 1944. Research method – The paper written on the basis of the economic history method, makes an extensive use of the available literature on the subject, the published documents of state authorities, archives, statistics and legal acts. Results – The Author proves that the end of the seventies, which is generally considered the best period in the economy of the People’s Republic of Poland, brought about a crisis and a recession lasting four years. Their causes lay in the erroneous economic policy of the Edward Gierek’s team and in the deformations of the economy management system stemming from older times. The crisis of 1979-1982 showed that the centrally planned economy system in Poland had exhausted its possibilities and even external capital injections were not able to compensate for the low efficiency and the wastafulness in “the real socialism”. Originality /value – The article is a contribution to the still lively, often fueled by contradictory arguments, discussion on the fall of the Polish People’s Republic.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-58
Author(s):  
Dariusz Makiłła

The subject of this paper is the political practice existing in the relations between the Royal court and the local assemblies of gentry in the Commonwealth of Poland in the second half of the 16th and the beginning of the 17th century. The functioning of power relations, especially the conducting of the legislative process, was based on the defined foundations of the state order, established in the constitutional law called the Henrician Articles that came into force in 1576. They demanded of the Royal court that they respect the position and role of local assemblies, empowered in the political system of the Commonwealth of Poland. These relations were invested with pragmatism to a large extent. In order to have the political needs fulfilled, the court endeavored to win a friendly attitude of local assemblies towards the realization of its political plans during the parliamentary sessions. At the same time, the local assemblies which were developing the conviction that they were merely one of the instruments of the Royal politics, appealed to their own problems, which made the target of their politics during the summoned diets. In this way, the Royal politics very often clashed with the aspirations of the gentry at the assemblies’ meetings, sometimes entering the sphere of rivalry.


ICR Journal ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-83
Author(s):  
Abdul Kabir Hussain Solihu

Khilafah has been a symbol of the Muslim political system and Islamic politics has often been identified as Khilafah in the same structure it took form in the past. This study argues that Muslims exhausted their energy on political discourse at the expense of other factors which are important for preparing the ground for political maturity. An attempt is made to exhibit normativeness of the Islamic political principles and values and the historicity of the form (Caliphate) it has acquired over the course of Islamic history. Furthermore, greater emphasis is placed on the broader, civilisational sense of Khilafah under which the political sense of Khilafah (Caliphate) is subsumed. In doing so, the study aims to contribute to the discourse on the revitalisation of the contemporary Muslim political culture but through non-political means.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.


Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.


2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-260
Author(s):  
Pau de Soto ◽  
Cèsar Carreras

AbstractTransport routes are basic elements that are inextricably linked to diverse political, economic, and social factors. Transport networks may be the cause or result of complex historical conjunctions that reflect to some extent a structural conception of the political systems that govern each territory. It is for this reason that analyzing the evolution of the transport routes layout in a wide territory allows us to recognize the role of the political organization and its economic influence in territorial design. In this article, the evolution of the transport network in the Iberian Peninsula has been studied in a broad chronological framework to observe how the different political systems of each period understood and modified the transport systems. Subsequently, a second analysis of the evolution of transport networks in the northeast of the Iberian Peninsula is included in this article. This more detailed and geographically restricted study allows us to visualize in a different way the evolution and impact of changes in transport networks. This article focuses on the calculation of the connectivity to analyze the intermodal transport systems. The use of network science analyses to study historical roads has resulted in a great tool to visualize and understand the connectivity of the territories of each studied period and compare the evolution, changes, and continuities of the transport network.


1913 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. H. McIlwain

At the meeting of the Political Science Association last year, in the general discussion, on the subject of the recall, I was surprised and I must admit, a little shocked to hear our recall of judges compared to the English removal of judges on address of the houses of parliament.If we must compare unlike things, rather than place the recall beside the theory or the practice of the joint address, I should even prefer to compare it to a bill of attainder.In history, theory and practice the recall as we have it and the English removal by joint address have hardly anything in common, save the same general object.Though I may not (as I do not) believe in the recall of judges, this paper concerns itself not at all with that opinion, but only with the history and nature of the tenure of English judges, particularly as affected by the possibility of removal on address. I believe a study of that history will show that any attempt to force the address into a close resemblance to the recall, whether for the purpose of furthering or of discrediting the latter, is utterly misleading.In the history of the tenure of English judges the act of 12 and 13 William III, subsequently known as the Act of Settlement, is the greatest landmark. The history of the tenure naturally divides into two parts at the year 1711. In dealing with both parts, for the sake of brevity, I shall confine myself strictly to the judges who compose what since 1873 has been known as the supreme court of judicature.


Author(s):  
Richard Whiting

In assessing the relationship between trade unions and British politics, this chapter has two focuses. First, it examines the role of trade unions as significant intermediate associations within the political system. They have been significant as the means for the development of citizenship and involvement in society, as well as a restraint upon the power of the state. Their power has also raised questions about the relationship between the role of associations and the freedom of the individual. Second, the chapter considers critical moments when the trade unions challenged the authority of governments, especially in the periods 1918–26 and 1979–85. Both of these lines of inquiry underline the importance of conservatism in the achievement of stability in modern Britain.


1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 754-771 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond F. Hopkins

The study of politics in “developing” countries has tended to focus on the less formal organs of government, such as political parties, the military, the bureaucracy, and even the educational system. National legislatures have often been ignored or rated of little significance in the political processes of these states. This practice contrasts markedly with the attention paid to legislatures in Western states. The most obvious explanation for it is that legislatures in new states tend to have little influence. Important decisions and shifts in power are usually made or recorded elsewhere in the political system.The Bunge, or National Assembly, of Tanzania is no exception to this general phenomenon. Nevertheless, an examination of the role of M.P.'s in Tanzania can be illuminating. The Bunge contains most of the major political leaders and has, at least constitutionally, broad authority. As a consequence, if the Assembly is to be only a weak political body, then informal norms limiting the powers of the M.P.'s role must exist. Moreover, these norms should prescribe authority relationships between the legislature and other policy shaping bodies in the political system, particularly the Party. Thus, an analysis of the roles of these men can provide important insights not only into the functions of the Bunge, but also into the elite political culture of Tanzania and the pattern of politics which this culture supports.


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