ZINA DAN GERAKAN LGBT: QUO VADIS KEBIJAKAN HUKUM PIDANA (PENAL POLICY) DALAM PENYELAMATAN MORALITAS BANGSA (Anotasi Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 26/PUUXIV/2016) / ADULTERY AND LGBT MOVEMENT: QUO VADIS PENAL POLICY FOR SAVING MORAL NATIONS (Annotation of Constitutional Court Decision Number 26/PUUXIV/2016)

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 263
Author(s):  
Jazim Hamidi ◽  
Lukman Nur Hakim

Lesbian, Gay, Biseksual, dan Transgender sudah menjadi sebuah gerakan berbahaya, akan tetapi belum ada norma hukum yang mengatur tentang perilaku asusila tersebut, Pentingnya sanksi terhadap pelaku zina dan LGBT merupakan bentuk ketegasan negara dalam melindungi moral dan ideologi Nusantara dari faham berbahaya, akan tetapi Mahkamah Konstitusi menolak Permohonan tersebut karena pemidanaan pelaku zina, baik strafsoort maupun strafmaat, dan perilaku asusila lesbian, gay, biseksual, dan transgender memerlukan pembentukan norma baru, sehinggga menjadi Kebijakan hukum pidana (Penal policy). Kewenangan tersebut bukan merupakan kewenangan Mahkamah Konstitusi, akan tetapi menjadi hak Pembentuk Undang-Undang yaitu DPR bersama Presiden. Tulisan ini merupakan Anotasi atas Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 26/PUUXIV/2016 yang memberikan penjelasan kepada masyarakat adanya Quo Vadis Kebijakan hukum pidana (Penal policy) dalam putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi tersebut.Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender are becoming a dangerous movement, yet there is no legal norm governing this immoral behavior. The sanctions importance towards adultery and LGBT perpetrators is a form of state assertiveness in the conservation of the moral and ideology from dangerous movement. Meanwhile, the Constitutional Court rejected the request by the argumentation which is that punishment of adultery, both strafsoort and strafmaat, and Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender needs a new norm to a penal policy. The authority is not the authority of the Constitutional Court, but it is the right of the Acting Legislator, namely the House of Representatives together with the President. This paper is an Annotation of Open Law Policy of Constitutional Court Decision 26 / PUUXIV / 2016 that provides an explanation to the public about Quo Vadis of Open law policy in the Constitutional Court decision.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-267
Author(s):  
Mastura Mastura ◽  
Said Sampara ◽  
Nurul Qamar

Penelitian bertujuan untuk menganalisis dari putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 56/PUU-XVII/2019 terhadap hak mantan narapidana menjadi calon kepala daerah. Penelitian ini adalah meggunakan tipe penelitian Hukum Normatif. Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa: 1) pertimbangan hukum majelis hakim dalam Putusan mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor: 56/PUU-XVII2019 untuk menjadi calon kepala daerah dengan syarat setelah mejalani masa tunggu selama 5 tahun sejak di bebaskan serta terbuka dan jujur mengemukakan kepada publik bahwa yang bersangkutan mantan narapidana. Atas dasar itu Mahkamah Konstitusi memberikan hak kepada mantan narapidana untuk mencalonkan diri menjadi kepala daerah. 2) hak mantan narapiana untuk mencalonkan diri dalam pemilihan kepala daerah dalam putusan MK telah mengembalikkan hak-hak mantan narapidana yakni hak untuk ikut berpartipasi dalam politik dan hak yang sama dihadapan hukum. The research aims to analyze the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 56 / PUU-XVII / 2019 on the rights of ex-convicts to become candidates for regional head. This research is to use the Normative Law research type. The results of this study conclude that: 1) the legal considerations of the panel of judges in the Constitutional Court Decision Number: 56 / PUU-XVII2019 to become a candidate for regional head with the conditions after undergoing a waiting period of 5 years since being released and openly and honestly telling the public that the person concerned ex-convict. On that basis, the Constitutional Court gives the right to ex-convicts to run for regional head. 2) The right of former prisoners to run for regional head elections in the Constitutional Court decision has restored the rights of former prisoners, namely the right to participate in politics and equal rights before the law.


Author(s):  
Rahmadianto Andra ◽  

The background of this paper is inspired and triggered to observe and study the legal uncertainty between the public prosecutor and the convict/his heirs regarding the authority to submit a PK Application as regulated in Article 263 paragraph (1) of the Criminal Procedure Code. The article states "the right of the public prosecutor" to apply for a PK application. However, what is expected by the Petitioner's wife is that Article 263 paragraph (1) of the Criminal Procedure Code can be interpreted in this way, "PK applications can only be filed by the convicted person or their heirs". This condition was exacerbated by the issuance of the Constitutional Court decision Number 33/PUU-XIV/ 2016 regarding "the right of the public prosecutor to file a PK application in a criminal case". This study aims to determine the application of extraordinary legal remedies by the public prosecutor and the implications of implementing these extraordinary remedies. The research method used is normative legal research. The results showed the application of extraordinary PK legal remedies for the public prosecutor after the Constitutional Court decision Number 33/PUU-XIV/2016, had direct implications for the Petitioner and his family. This implication is detrimental to the Petitioners' constitutional rights based on Article 28G of the 1945 Constitution because the protection of personal, family, honor and dignity has clearly been lost. It is better if the Constitutional Court reaffirms the legal principles in the article through constitutional interpretation which is an integral part that is not separate from the article in question and is able to provide fair legal certainty.


Asy-Syari ah ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-202
Author(s):  
Dasep Muhammad Firdaus

AbstractIndonesia as a constitutional and democratic state has three governmental branches which are executive, legislative and judicial power; and executed on the check and balance principle. One of the check and balance principles implementation can be seen in the House of Representatives of Indonesia (DPR)’s Parliamentary Scrutiny function which is mandated by the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (UUD 1945), the right of inquiry to investigate all forms of implementation of laws and government policies that are allegedly contrary to the legislation. Recently the rights had been applied to evaluate KPK (corruption eradication commission) as an independent institution and free from any authority. Substantially the inquiry right was applied to evaluate KPK regarding the following aspects: institutional, authority, human resources, and expenditure budgets. Through legal tracing on related laws and regulations, that were descriptively analyzed regarding the DPR's inquiry right implementation towards KPK; it was found the DPR's inquiry rights to the KPK is constitutionally regulated in Article 20A of the UUD 1945, Law Number 17 of 2014 Article 79 paragraph (1), (2) and (3) and Constitutional Court Decision Case No. 36 and 37 / PUU-XV / 2017. Based on those regulations, DPR has rights to ask for KPK’s accountability upon their duties and authority and KPK is obliged to respect and implement DPR recommendations produced from the inquiry rights.Keywords:People’s Representative Council, Rights of Inquiry, Corruption Eradication Commission AbstrakIndonesia sebagai negara demokrasi kontitusional terdiri dari cabang kekuasaan eksekutif, legislatif, dan yudikatif berdasar prinsip check and balance. Wujud prinsip tersebut ada dalam ketatanegaraan Indonesia terlihat pada fungsi pengawasan DPR RI yang diamanatkan oleh UUD NRI Tahun 1945, antara lain melalui hak angket untuk menyelidiki segala bentuk pelaksanaan UU maupun kebijakan pemerintah yang diduga bertentangan dengan peraturan perundang-undangan. Salah satunya adalah hak angket yang ditujukan terhadap KPK sebagai lembaga bersifat independen dan bebas dari kekuasaan manapun. Secara subtantif pelaksanaan hak dilakukan untuk mengevaluasi KPK dari sisi kelembagan, kewenangan, sumber daya manusia hingga anggaran belanja. Melalui penelusuran peraturan perundang-undangan yang dianalisis secara deskriptif atas hak angket DPR terhadap KPK; ditemukan bahwa landasan hukum hak angket DPR terhadap KPK secara konstitusional diatur di dalam Pasal 20A UUD NKRI Tahun 1945, Undang-Undang Nomor 17 Tahun 2014 Pasal 79 ayat (1), (2) dan (3) dan Putusan MK No. Perkara 36 dan 37/PUU-XV/2017 . Atas dasar ketentuan tersebut, DPR berhak meminta pertanggungjawaban pelaksanaan tugas dan kewenangan KPK dan KPK sebagai lembaga penegak hukum harus menghormati dan melaksanakan rekomendasi yang telah dihasilkan pansus angket dan.Kata Kunci:DPR, Hak Angket, KPK


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 01002
Author(s):  
K. Zarins

Thework will discuss the problems arising from the thesis that the economic opportunities are incompatible with the person's primary law - the right to life and equality of treatment. An actively maintained hypothesis claims that the country's economic opportunities and funding should not restrict or reduce a person's right to life and health. In this aspect, it will also study the role of the constitutional court. The author points to the fact that the adoption of such, here the Supreme Court decision, successive constitutional court for a preliminary inaccurate claim and interpretation of the country's economic interests, could deny the right of people to life only after the consideration that they are of no use and financially expensive to be maintained.


Pravni zapisi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 620-644
Author(s):  
Tamás Korhecz

The right to peaceful enjoyment of property is a first-generation human right, protected by the international and domestic law of the highest rank. This is not an absolute right - the European standards of protecting property rights allow possible interferences prescribed by law. The interferences can be made in the public interest but only under the assumption that the proportionality between the public interest and property rights of individuals at stake is established. Forfeiture of undeclared cash the individuals are transferring across state borders, together with imposing fines for a misdemeanor, represent an interference with individuals' property rights. The EU Member States do not share an identical system of sanctions for this petty offense, but there is a tendency of unification related to the monitoring, registering, and sanctioning of undeclared, cross-border, individual cash transfer. The case-law of the European Court of Human Rights has established rather precise criteria for distinguishing permitted from unpermitted interferences in cases of undeclared cross-border cash transfers. The Serbian Constitutional Court has been faced with several constitutional complaints regarding alleged unconstitutionally of the imposed security measure amounting to the forfeiture of undeclared cash physically transferred across the state borders. The Constitutional Court has ruled inconsistently on the matter. Although it has regularly referred to the European Court of Human Rights' relevant decisions, it fails to be consistent in following the Strasbourg Court's rulings. In this article, the author has suggested that the legal certainty principle requires the Constitutional Court to consistently interpret the constitutional rights and be systematic in following Strasbourg. Only in this way, the Constitutional Court can help regular courts effectively to harmonize the interpretation and application of laws with the constitutional and international human rights standards regarding property rights.


Author(s):  
I Ketut Ngastawa

Paper that had the title: "Juridical implications of the Constitutional Court Decision Number 011-017/PUU-I/2003 on the Legal Protection for the Rights to be Eelected." This explores two issues: 1) how the legal protection of the settings selected in the state system of Indonesia ; 2) what are juridical implications of the Constitutional Court Decision Number 011-017/PUU-I/2003 on the legal protection for the rights to be elected. To solve both problems, this paper uses normative legal research methods. Approach being used is the statute approach, case approach, and a conceptual approach. Further legal materials collected were identified and analyzed using descriptive analysis techniques. Legal protection for the right to be elected in the state system of Indonesia can be traced from the 1945 opening, the articles in the body of the 1945 Constitution, Article 27 paragraph (1), Article 28D (1) and paragraph (3) and Article 28 paragraph (3) 1945 Second Amendment, MPR Decree Number XVII/MPR/1998, Article 43 of Law Number 39 of 1999, Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and Article 25 of the International Covenant  on Civil and Political Rights. Discussion of the juridical implications of the Constitutional Court Decision Number 011-017/PUU-I/2003 on the legal protection for the rights to be elected have been included: a) only on the juridical implications of representative institutions no longer marked with specified requirements as stipulated in Article 60 letter g of Law Number 12 Year 2003 in Law Number 10 Year 2008; b) juridical implications of the political field for the right to be elected is the absence of any discriminatory treatment in legislative product formed by the House of Representatives and the President as well as products of other legislation forward.


Author(s):  
Antonio Magdaleno Alegría

Los métodos que utilizan algunos periodistas para recabar información generan importantes conflictos. En nuestro país, las técnicas de investigación periodísticas han cobrado interés como consecuencia de que la STC 12/2012 ha determinado la prohibición constitucional del uso de la cámara oculta. Se trata de una decisión polémica, pues algunos profesionales de la información consideran que dicho pronunciamiento supone el fin del periodismo de investigación, con los consecuentes efectos negativos para el funcionamiento del sistema democrático. Si bien se considera que en los casos estudiados por el TC hasta el presente momento deben prevalecer los derechos a la intimidad y a la propia imagen sobre la libertad de información, no se comparte su prohibición total, pues pueden existir casos límite que, como consecuencia de la imposibilidad de utilizar otros métodos alternativos para obtener la información y de la gran relevancia pública de lo informado, podrían justificar la utilización de la cámara oculta. De no admitir esta posibilidad, se impediría a la prensa ejercer su papel de «perro guardián público» y, por ende, no serían de conocimiento público muchas cuestiones esenciales para el autogobierno de los ciudadanos.The methods used by some journalists to get information generate important conflicts. Journalistic investigation techniques have gathered interest in our country due to the constitutional prohibition of the use of hidden camera in the STC 12/2012. It is a polemic decision, as some professionals of information consider it implies the end of investigative journalism and therefore a negative effect on democratic system’s running. Up to now, in the cases studied at the Constitutional Court, it has been considered that the right to privacy and one’s own image should prevail over the freedom of information. Even so, the complete prohibition of the hidden camera is not shared as there may be extreme cases in which its use could be justified both due to the impossibility of using other alternative methods as well as to the public relevance of the information. If that possibility was not to be admitted, the press could not practice its role as «public watchdog» and therefore essential matters for the self-government of citizens may not be public.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
Ali Abubakar ◽  
Juliana Juliana ◽  
Maisyarah Rahmi Hasan

This article aims to analyze the protection of life (ḥifẓ al-nafs) as the law reason (`illat) of the rights of children outside of legal marriage (ALPS) of biological fathers. Ḥifẓ al-nafs is assumed to be `illat emerging from many neglected ALPS phenomena and resulting in negative stigma and discrimination. This research is a study of Islamic law using the theory of `illat in analyzing the problem of children's rights outside of legal marriage. The research concludes that the presence of the 2010 Constitutional Court decision regarding the civil rights of ALPS with biological fathers reveals new spaces in seeing the nature of ALPS rights. This is different from the fatwa of the Indonesian Ulema Council and classical fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) arguments, which tend to only link the child to the mother. Based on the Constitutional Court decision, the essence of ALPS rights from biological fathers is limited to civil rights. The responsibility of the biological father to ALPS is in the form of physical and mental support, while denying other rights such as guardianship of marriage; ALPS rights today have been largely abandoned. Thus, the protection/care is necessary. `Illat (the reason of law) in ḥifẓ al-nafs (protection of the life) is real and can be juxtaposed with `illat ḥifẓ al-nasl (protection of heredity). Ḥifẓ al-nasl does not completely fulfill the real requirements of an `illat which can abolish the abandonment of ALPS.


Author(s):  
Dwi Sakti Muhamad Huda ◽  
Dodi Alaska Ahmad Syaiful ◽  
Desi Wahyuni

The Constitutional Court Decision Number 46 / PUU-VIII / 2010 annulled the provisions of Article 43 paragraph (1) of the Marriage Law because it contradicts the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and does not have binding legal force. The legal reason behind the rechtfinding is to emphasize that children born outside of marriage have the right to legal protection. This research was conducted with the aim of knowing the impact of the Constitutional Court Decision Number 46 / PUU-VIII / 2010 on one of the judges' judicial duties. This study uses a socio-legal approach with data collection techniques for study documents of literature materials. Based on the results of the analysis of the Constitutional Court Decision Number 46 / PUU-VIII / 2010, it does not contradict and intersect with the sociological discourse in accordance with the argumentum a contrario method. Then have coherence between the parental or bilateral kinship system with the Constitutional Court Decision No. 46 / PUU-VIII / 2010 in its application in Indonesia. This condition demands the intellectuality of Judges who are required to think on a broad scale and consider other disciplines in their legal findings.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-194
Author(s):  
Novianto Murthi Hantoro

Prior to the decision of the Constitutional Court (MK), the implementation of the right to inquiry was regulated in two laws, namely Law No. 6 of 1954 on the Establishment of the Rights of Inquiry of the House of Representatives (DPR) and Law No. 27 of 2009 on MPR, DPR, DPD, and DPRD. Through proposal for judicial review, MK decided the Law on the Rights of Inquiry was null and void because it was not in accordance with the presidential system adopted in the 1945 Constitution. Today, the exercise of the right of inquiry is only based on Law on MPR, DPR, DPD, and DPRD. Nonetheless, the Amendment of Law No. 27 of 2009 into Law No. 17 of 2014 could not accommodate some substances of the null and void Law on the Rights of Inquiry. The urgency of the formulation of the law on the right to inquiry, other than to carry out the Constitutional Court’s decision; are to close the justice gap of the current regulation; to avoid multi-interpretation of the norm, for example on the subject and object of the right of inquiry; and to execute the mandate of Article 20A paragraph (4) of the 1945 Constitution. The regulation on the right to inquiry shall be formulated separately from the Law on MPR, DPR, DPD and DPRD, with at least several substances to be discussed, namely: definition, mechanisms, and procedure, as well as examination of witnesses, expert, and documents. AbstrakSebelum adanya putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK), pelaksanaan hak angket diatur dalam dua undang-undang, yaitu Undang-Undang Nomor 6 Tahun 1954 tentang Penetapan Hak Angket DPR (UU Angket) dan Undang-Undang Nomor 27 Tahun 2009 tentang Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah (UU MPR, DPR, DPD, dan DPRD). Melalui permohonan pengujian undang-undang, MK membatalkan keberlakuan UU Angket karena sudah tidak sesuai dengan sistem presidensial yang dianut dalam UUD 1945. Pelaksanaan hak angket saat ini hanya berdasarkan UU MPR, DPR, DPD, dan DPRD. Penggantian UU No. 27 Tahun 2009 menjadi UU No. 17 Tahun 2014 tentang MPR, DPR, DPD, dan DPRD ternyata tidak mengakomodasi beberapa substansi UU Angket yang telah dibatalkan. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, terdapat urgensi untuk membentuk Undang-Undang tentang Hak Angket DPR RI. Urgensi tersebut, selain sebagai tindak lanjut putusan MK, juga untuk menutup celah kekosongan hukum pada pengaturan saat ini dan untuk menghindari multi-interpretasi norma, misalnya terhadap subjek dan objek hak angket. Pengaturan mengenai hak angket perlu diatur di dalam undang-undang yang terpisah dari UU MPR, DPR, DPD, dan DPRD, dengan materi muatan yang berisi tentang pengertian-pengertian, mekanisme, dan hukum acara. Pembentukan Undang-Undang tentang Hak Angket diperlukan guna memenuhi amanat Pasal 20A ayat (4) UUD 1945.


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