scholarly journals FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION OF THE MEDIA AND VIOLATION OF PERSONAL RIGHTS (CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK AND PRACTICE OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA)

Author(s):  
Marijana Majnarić
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-41
Author(s):  
Muhammad Lukman Ihsanuddin

This research was conducted in order to find out the objectivity of the media in delivering news of the 2019 presidential election dispute in the Republic of Indonesia. The research method used is qualitative using Robert N. Entman's framing approach. Sources of data in this study are primary data, data obtained from the Java post coverage from the 18 June to 28 June 2019 edition, and secondary data in the form of writing about Java post and books relating to Robert N. Entman's framing analysis. The results of his research are 1) The reporting written by journalists uses two depictions of moral values, namely positive values and negative values. Positive values are often raised to describe the actions of the Constitutional Court, KPU and candidate pair 01 JokowiMa'ruf Amin, while negative values are often raised against the depictions of the candidate pair 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Almost all news texts written by journalists describe the weak position of candidate pair 02 due to the weakness of the arguments submitted and the evidence and witnesses provided cannot be accounted for, even it is reported that candidate pair 02 has also submitted witnesses who provided false statements. The second aspect is regarding the position of Jawa Pos in reporting disputes over the results of the 2019 presidential election. Journalists in Jawa Pos felt less balanced in reporting the conflict. This can be seen from the emphasis which is indirectly more favorable for the position of candidate pair Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin compared with candidate pair 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Almost all news taken as objects of study in this study tend to prioritize Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin and marginalize Prabowo-Sandi's position.Candidate 01Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin is depicted as a disadvantaged party by submitting the dispute of the 2019 presidential election results to the constitutional line while pair 02 of Prabowo-Sandi is described as a guilty party and does not have a strong basis to prove his allegations regarding fraud committed by the paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin. 2) the reporting of postal Javanese journalists in reporting the 2019 Presidential Election Dispute conflict, lacking balance in presenting information, tended to support the candidate pair 1 Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin. Keywords: Framing, 2019 Presidential Election Dispute, Newspaper, Jawa Pos Penelitian ini dilakukan dalama rangka ingin mengetahui objektifitas media dalam menyampaikan berita sengketa pilpres tahun 2019 di Republik Indonesia. Dalam penelitian ini mengungakan metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan framing Robert. N. Entman. Sumber data dalam penelitian ini adalah data primer, data yang didapatkan dari pemberitaan Jawa pos dari edisi 18 Juni sampai 28 Juni 2019,dan data sekunder berupatulisan mengenai Jawa pos serta buku-buku yang berkaitan dengan analisisframing Robert. N. Entman. Hasil penelitiannya yaitu 1) Pemberitaan yang ditulis wartawan menggunakan dua penggambaran nilai moral, yaitu nilai positif dan nilai negatif. Nilai positif sering dimunculkan terhadap penggambaran tindakan MK, KPU dan paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin, sedangkan nilai negatif sering dimunculkan terhadap penggambaran tindakan paslon 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Hampir seluruh teks berita yang wartawan tulis mengambarkan lemahnya posisi paslon 02 karena tidak kuatnya dalil-dalil yang diajukan serta bukti-bukti dan saksi yang diberikan tidak dapat dipertanggungjawabkan, bahkan diberitakan bahwa paslon 02 juga telah mengajukan saksi yang memberikan keterangan palsu. Aspek kedua adalah mengenai posisi Jawa Pos dalam memberitakan sengketa hasil pilpres 2019.Wartawan Jawa Pos dirasa kurang berimbang dalam memberitakan konflik tersebut. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari penekanan yang secara tidak langsung lebih menguntungkan posisi paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin dibanding dengan paslon 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Hampir seluruh berita yang diambil sebagai objek kajian dalam penelitian ini cenderung mengutamakan pihak Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin dan memarjinalkan posisi Prabowo-Sandi. Paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin digambarkan sebagai pihak yang dirugikan dengan adanya pengajuan sengketa hasil pilpres 2019 ke jalur konstitusi sedangkan paslon 02 Prabowo-Sandi digambarkan sebagai pihak yang bersalah dan tidak memiliki dasar yang kuat untuk membuktikan tuduhannya mengenai kecurangan yang telah dilakukan oleh paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin. 2) pemberitaan wartawan Jawa pos dalam memberitakan konflik Sengketa Pilpres Tahun 2019, kurang berimbang dalam menyuguhkan informasi, cenderung mendukung pada paslon 1 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin. Kata Kunci: Framing, Sengketa Pilpres 2019, Surat Kabar, Jawa Pos


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-212
Author(s):  
Yayan Sopyan

Abstract: Questioning the Religious Freedom and blasphemy in Indonesia. The presence of the Constitutional Court in the reform era is the strengthening of the foundations of constitutionalism in the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945. The Court in this case a role to enforce and the protector of the citizen's constitutional rights and the protector of the human rights. Including in this case, the right to religion and religious practices and teachings of their respective religions, in accordance with the constitutional mandate. However, on the other hand there is the discourse of freedom of expression and freedom of speech includes freedom to broadcast religious beliefs and understanding of the "deviant" and against the "mainstream" religious beliefs and understanding in general, as in the case of Ahmadiyah. The Court in this case is required to provide the best attitude when faced judicial review in this case still required in addition to guarding the constitution in order to run properly.   Abstrak: Menyoal Kebebasan Beragama dan Penodaan Agama di Indonesia. Kehadiran lembaga Mahkamah Konstitusi di era reformasi merupakan upaya penguatan terhadap dasar-dasar konstitusionalisme pada Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. MK dalam hal ini berperan menegakkan dan melindungi hak-hak konstitusional warga negara (the protector of the citizen’s constitutional rights) dan pelindung HAM (the protector of the human rights). Termasuk dalam hal ini, hak untuk memeluk agama dan menjalankan ibadah serta ajaran agamanya masing-masing, sesuai dengan amanat konstitusi. Namun, disisi lain ada wacana kebebasan berekspresi dan kebebasan berpendapat termasuk didalamnya kebebasan untuk menyiarkan keyakinan dan pemahaman keagamaan yang “menyimpang” dan bertentangan dengan “mainstream” keyakinan dan pemahaman keagamaan pada umumnya, seperti dalam kasus Ahmadiyah. MK dalam hal ini dituntut untuk mampu memberikan sikap terbaik saat dihadapkan judicial review dalam kasus ini selain tetap dituntut untuk mengawal konstitusi agar dapat berjalan sebagaimana mestinya. DOI: 10.15408/jch.v2i2.2314


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 58-83
Author(s):  
Janusz Roszkiewicz

This article concerns the right to the protection of religious feelings as a value which justifies a restriction of freedom of expression. The right to the protection of religious feelings can be protected by three methods: civil, penal and administrative. The issue is discussed from the point of view of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and the European Convention on Human Rights, with particular emphasis on the case-law of the Polish Constitutional Court and the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.


Author(s):  
Trùng Dương

This chapter examines the events leading to the protests of the press community, culminating in the trial of the daily newspaper, Sóng Thền. It aims to provide a primary source for future studies of the Republic of Vietnam, with a focus on the press. Secondly, the chapter attempts to show that despite governmental efforts in controlling the media, South Vietnamese journalists did not just submit but fought back, without communist influences as many people believed, to defend freedom of expression recognized by the 1967 constitution. They did their job as journalists to inform the public of state affairs and the progress of the war against communism. This is thus a personal account of the trial of Sóng Thền.


2021 ◽  
Vol 93 (3) ◽  
pp. 616-664
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Stevanović

In this paper, the author considers the importance of the right to freedom of expression with specific reference to political speech, which is undoubtedly an important precondition for the establishment of democratic institutions. Free political speech encourages a well-informed and politically sophisticated citizenry to take part in political life. Thus, political speech has a privileged position in terms of legal protection. However, in some cases, the limits of freedom of expression can come into questions, as well as the scope of political speech. It is a well-established stance that politicians need to tolerate a greater degree of criticism due to their positions. Nevertheless, they also need to be protected when it comes to the endangerment of their personal rights, beyond justified political discussion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-114
Author(s):  
Piotr Machnikowski

The much-publicised and rather unfortunate amendment of 2018 to the Act on the Institute of National Remembrance introduced not only the controversial and subsequently repealed penal provisions, but also the provisions on “Protection of the good name of the Republic of Poland and the Polish Nation”. According to these, protecting the good name of the Republic of Poland and the Polish Nation is subject to the provisions of the Civil Code. The intention of the lawmakers was to prevent the dissemination in public discourse of the false expression “Polish death camps” and similar expressions sometimes used to refer to Nazi German extermination camps located in the occupied territory of Poland. The provision mandating the application of the provisions of the Civil Code on personal rights to the protection of the state and nation’s good name may serve the intended purpose. However, its application may also be much broader, due to the vagueness of the wording used (“good name of the state and nation”) and the powerful protection afforded to personal rights in the Civil Code. The author discusses which provisions of the Civil Code can and which cannot be applied in this case. He also draws attention to the inadequacy of private law tools to protect public interests. He calls for a restrictive interpretation of the provision and recognizing a wide range of circumstances excluding the unlawfulness of an infringement in order to protect constitutional values such as freedom of expression, artistic creation, or scientific research.


Kosmik Hukum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fauzi ◽  
Mellayanah Mellayanah ◽  
Muhammad Akmal Rizki Rivaldi ◽  
Fairuz Arta Abhipraya

The release of decisions with Home Ministers, Ministers of Law and Human Rights, Ministers of Communications and Informatics, Attorney General, The Police Chief of the Republic of Indonesia (Kapolri) and the Head of the National Body of Counter-Terrorism has been the basis for the dissolution and banning of all activities of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). Following up on this, it issued a declaration of Maklumat Kapolri No. 1/Mak/I/2021 on compliance with the ban on activities, the use of symbols and attributes and the application of fpi activities. Articel 2d of the maklumat forbidding access, uploading, and disseminating content related to FPI via the Internet is considered to have limited human rights. The study aims to see if there are any infractions and irregularities within the human rights code of the FPI content in the declaration. As for the research method used was normative juridical with a legal and conceptual approach. The source of data used is legislation on human rights, books, articles, and other sources related to the study. It was found in the study that article 2d of the maklumat went beyond the human rights code based on the principles of siracusa and the testing of three sets (three part test). Not only that, article 2d of the maklumat also threatens the freedom of press from journalists and the media in charge of spreading information to the public. The advice of the author regarding this matter should be the chief of police to update the declaration according to the purpose and purpose of the declaration issued, or at least revoke article 2d of the maklumat that feels has restricted the special human rights of free expression. This is so that the entire legal action in this country is consistent with the principles of the state of law and human rights.Keywords: human rights, freedom of expression, freedom of pers


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-98
Author(s):  
Laura TAHIRI ◽  
Milot KRASNIQI

The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of how the media generally function in relation to their responsibilities to the state. Knowing that despite the legal protection enjoyed by the media under international conventions and in general domestic legislation, all criminal offenses committed through the media are defined in one way or another by adequate legal norms to prevent and sanction such offenses abusive. During the different periods of law adoption in Kosovo, it is evident that the sphere of criminal and civil liability for criminal offenses committed through the media has changed. This is due to the fact that various provisions have not infrequently been used to restrict freedom of expression, which is otherwise the most basic, but also the most sensitive provision provided by Article 10 of the International Covenant on Human Rights. Therefore, in this paper will be explained the fluidity of the legislation on criminal and civil liability for criminal offenses committed through the media and that starting from international conventions, the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo, international legislation compared to domestic, comparison of provisions which with the old codes have been defined as criminal offenses, while today those offenses are considered of a civil character and for these offenses there is only civil liability.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 44-52
Author(s):  
LARISA ZAITSEVA ◽  

The territorial image is formed both purposefully by the subjects of image-making, and spontaneously-based on the influence of information content published in various media. The purpose of the research is to analyze the image of the Republic of Mordovia in the information space of the Volga Federal district. The image of the territory formed by external target audiences by means of news materials is studied using the method of case study and content analysis of publications: “Volga news”, “Federal Press” news of the PFD, “Pravda PFD”. The authors conclude that modern reality is perceived through the prism of the information field created by mass media. The media creates images filled with certain data, facts, colored by emotions, on the basis of which representations, opinions, judgments, and assessments are subsequently formed. The media play a significant role in shaping the territorial image, especially for external target audiences who are not familiar with the region and do not have their own assessment knowledge and experience. Most of the information content about the Republic in the studied media is related to the main thematic blocks: politics, economy, social sphere, culture (art, sports). Moreover, if in the publications “Volga news” and “Pravda PFD” mention of the region prevails in the economic block, then in the publications “Federal Press” and “Nezavisimaya Gazeta” - in the political one. The Volga news publication significantly dominates the rest in terms of the number of publications about Mordovia. The content of publications is mostly positive and neutral related to the issues of economic development of the territory and the preparation and holding of the world football championship. Pravda PFD mentions the Republic in the context of news from neighboring territories, most of the publications date back to 2018, but here the context is related to the Republic's positions among the regions of the PFD in various ratings. The publication “Federal-Press” forms a generally reflective image of the territory, focusing on the negative aspects of regional life. “Nezavisimaya Gazeta”, giving priority to political news, maintains a neutral and reflective context of publications, paying attention to the key problems of the territory. Thus, the desired image of the region is counter-dictated to the image broadcast by the media through various information channels, so it is necessary to constantly monitor the information space and timely correction of the broadcast materials.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 150
Author(s):  
Veton Zejnullahi

The process of globalization, which many times is considered as new world order is affecting all spheres of modern society but also the media. In this paper specifically we will see the impact of globalization because we see changing the media access to global problems in general being listed on these processes. We will see that the greatest difficulties will have small media as such because the process is moving in the direction of creating mega media which thanks to new technology are reaching to deliver news and information at the time of their occurrence through choked the small media. So it is fair to conclude that the rapid economic development and especially the technology have made the world seem "too small" to the human eyes, because for real-time we will communicate with the world with the only one Internet connection, and also all the information are take for the development of events in the four corners of the world and direct from the places when the events happen. Even Albanian space has not left out of this process because the media in the Republic of Albania and the Republic of Kosovo are adapted to the new conditions under the influence of the globalization process. This fact is proven powerful through creating new television packages, written the websites and newspapers in their possession.


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