scholarly journals POSTANARCHISM AS A PHILOSOPHY OF RADICAL POLITICS

2020 ◽  
pp. 34-43
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Conceptual Modeling ◽  
Large Family ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Radical Politics ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Discursive Analysis ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Left Movement

The article presents the postanarchist conceptualization of radical politics. The methodology of this study was a critical analysis and use of historical and philosophical methods, the method of contextualism, the method of discursive analysis. In connection with the intensification of protest movements, including those aimed at combating the omnipotence of the state, the spread of the ideology of anti-globalization is growing theoretical interest in anarchism. Anarchism today is not the only political doctrine. This is a large family of like-minded people, united by hostility to uncontrolled power, distrust of the hierarchy and optimistic belief in the ability of ordinary people to control their lives and organize social relations on the basis of freedom, equality and solidarity. In the framework of the announced “anarchist turn”, anarchism is manifested as the basis of radical policy in recent times. The theoretical foundations of modern anarchism remain poorly understood. Modern political radicalism is based on a certain philosophy, which in a new way substantiates the ideas and actions in the socio-political sphere, aimed at radical change of existing social institutions. This is a philosophy of action, struggle, protest. Postanarchism is seen as a new view of radical politics. The features of philosophical essentialism as the basis of conceptual modeling in classical anarchism are formulated. Postanarchism is presented as a philosophy that avoids essentialism, its tools are analyzed. The connection between the left movement of the 1960s and modern post-capitalist movements is analyzed. Political theory here is further developed, ceases to be abstract, filled with human meaning. Within the framework of the “anarchist turn” there is a gradual destruction of the main stereotypes or narratives about anarchism (about its theoretical insolvency, unscientificity, utopianism) formed over many years in literature and public opinion. It is proved that the theory of anarchism is constantly evolving and updated over time in order to find solutions to acute social, political and economic problems. The author sees the prospects of post-anarchism in its political philosophy, which has certain values. In the modern era, such a philosophy was supplanted by positivist political science in theory and for the triumph of moral nihilism and relativism in practice. The obtained results allow us to find out what distinguishes modern anarchism as a movement and philosophy from the left movements of the past and the features of the theoretical language of description of the modern protest movement.

Socialist Geography

2004 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Salmon ◽  
Andrew Herod
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Social Progress ◽  
Production Of Knowledge ◽  
Intellectual Engagement ◽  
Political Act ◽  
Just Society ◽  
Material Conditions ◽  
The 1960S

The production of knowledge is a political act. As such, geographical knowledge reflects and embodies the material conditions and social relations existing at the time of its production. This recognition serves as our point of intellectual engagement with Geography in America at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century and provides the framework within which we interpret a number of changes within “socialist” geography during the 1990s. Thus, in this chapter we do not subscribe to a progressivist account of intellectual practice, one that proposes a model of social progress towards an ultimate “truth” through the teleology of reason, technology, production, and so on. Rather, our review of socialist geography in this chapter is a problematizing and contextualizing one, a treatment that seeks to remain open to both historical transformation and geographical particularity, and to the recognition that knowledge production is a discursive act that is inherently reflective of power relations. Believing that the production of knowledge and the creation of a more just society are inextricably linked processes, leftist geographers have historically sought to challenge those bodies of knowledge that maintain (implicitly or explicitly) the current economic and political structures of society that favor the haves over the have-nots, encourage environmental destruction in the pursuit of profit, foster racism and patriarchal systems of living, and generally reinforce social inequality and hinder the pursuit of social justice. Drawing precisely upon this notion that the production of knowledge is a political act, socialist geographers in the late 1960s came together to “promote critical analysis of geographic phenomena, cognizant of geographic research on the well-being of social classes; to investigate the issue of radical change toward a more collective society; and to discover the impact of economic growth upon environmental quality and upon social equity” (Socialist Geography Specialty Group 1999). Although the broad political goals of the Socialist Geography Specialty Group (SGSG) have not changed since the 1960s, the fact that the world has been transformed dramatically in the interceding years means that the focus and approaches adopted by leftist geographers within the AAG (and elsewhere) have, of necessity, evolved to meet these challenges and new realities.

The Traffic in Hierarchy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ward Keeler
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Head Of Household ◽  
The World ◽  
Male Head ◽  
Relative Status ◽  
Trans Women

Looking at Buddhist monasteries as social institutions, this book integrates a thorough description of one such monastery with a wide-ranging study of Burmese social relations, both religious and lay, looking particularly at the matter of gender. Hierarchical assumptions inform all such relations, and higher status implies a person’s greater autonomy. A monk is particularly idealized because he exemplifies the Buddhist ideal of “detachment” and so autonomy. A male head of household represents another masculine ideal, if a somewhat less prestigious one. He enjoys greater autonomy than other members of the household yet remains entangled in the world. Women and trans women are thought to be more invested in attachment than autonomy and are expected to subordinate themselves to men and monks as a result. But everyone must concern themselves with the matter of relative status in all of their interactions. This makes face-to-face encounter fraught. Several chapters detail the ways that individuals try to stave off the risks that interaction necessarily entails. One stratagem is to subordinate oneself to nodes of power, but this runs counter to efforts to demonstrate one’s autonomy. Another is to foster detachment, most dramatically in the practice of meditation.

An Intersectional Approach to the “Mobility Trap” That Ensnares Migrant Youth in China

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaorong Gu
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Urban China ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Systems ◽  
Life Chances ◽  
Migrant Youth ◽  
Political Economic

This essay explores the theory of intersectionality in the study of youths’ lives and social inequality in the Global South. It begins with an overview of the concept of intersectionality and its wide applications in social sciences, followed by a proposal for regrounding the concept in the political economic systems in particular contexts (without assuming the universality of capitalist social relations in Northern societies), rather than positional identities. These systems lay material foundations, shaping the multiple forms of deprivation and precarity in which Southern youth are embedded. A case study of rural migrant youths’ ‘mobility trap’ in urban China is used to illustrate how layers of social institutions and structures in the country’s transition to a mixed economy intersect to influence migrant youths’ aspirations and life chances. The essay concludes with ruminations on the theoretical and social implications of the political-economy-grounded intersectionality approach for youth studies.

The Stabilisation of the Capitalist Order and Liberal Value Orientations in Serbia

Südosteuropa ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 386-407
Author(s):  
Mladen Lazić ◽  
Jelena Pešić
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Value Orientations ◽  
Economic Liberalism ◽  
The Social ◽  
Value Changes ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Normative Value ◽  
Value Dissonance

AbstractBased on research data from 2003, 2012, and 2018, the authors examine the extent to which capitalist social relations in Serbia have determined liberal value orientations. The change of the social order in Serbia after 1990 brought about a radical change of the basis upon which values are constituted. To interpret the relationship between structural and value changes, the authors employ the theory of normative-value dissonance. Special attention in the analysis is paid to the interpretation of value changes based on the distinction between intra- and inter-systemic normative-value dissonance. In the first part of their study, the authors examine changes in the acceptance of liberal values over the period of consolidation of capitalism in Serbia, while in the second part they focus on the 2018 data and specific predictors of political and economic liberalism.

Black Men and Black Masculinity

2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 437-457
Author(s):  
Alford A. Young
Keyword(s):  
Black Men ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Black Males ◽  
Black Masculinity ◽  
First Century ◽  
Criminal Justice Systems ◽  
Male Experience ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
New Research ◽  
Sociological Studies

In recent decades, sociological studies of black males and of black masculinity in America unfolded with great rapidity. In the 1960s, sociological studies of black males gained currency. Much of their focus has been on the problematic state of black males in education, employment, family life, peer and social relations, and within criminal justice systems. That tradition moved from employing a social problems lens for researching black men to documenting how their efforts in these and other spheres of life reflect creativity and efficacy as much as malaise and despair. Emerging several decades later in sociology, black masculinity studies began with an emphasis on how black males contended with hegemonic masculinity. This tradition moved to explore how sexual, socioeconomic, and other variations in the black male experience elucidated vulnerability as a common feature of that experience, as well as to more extensive visions of black masculinity. New research questions stand before both traditions that constitute the twenty-first-century agenda.

SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS AND THEIR IMPACT ON THE CYCLICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE ECONOMY

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 133-147
Author(s):  
I.R. LYAPINA ◽  
◽  
T.A. ZHURAVLEVA ◽  
I.V. SKOBLIAKOVA ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Economic Benefits ◽  
Regulatory Processes ◽  
The Family ◽  
Production And Distribution ◽  
Optimization Mechanism ◽  
Theoretical Foundations

The purpose of the research is to study of the features of the influence of social institutions on the cyclicality and dynamics of economic development in the context of identifying the role of social institutions at individual phases of the cycle of economic development, as well as consideration of the functions and tools of social institutions by phases of economic development. The subject of the research is a set of roles, functions and tools of social institutions related to different phases of the cycle of economic development. The methodological base is formed for the implementation of scientific research tasks. Its tools are methods that allow reflecting the features of the influence of social institutions on the cyclical nature of the economy: the method of theoretical foundations, the method of grouping, the method of analysis, the method of comparison, the method of implication. As a result of the study, it is indicated that the functions of social institutions should be highlighted: the consolidation of emerging social relations, adaptation, regulatory processes, a communication basis and a translational basis. The instruments that influence economic fluctuations are formed in the context of social institutions. Thus, the institution of the family is characterized by the use of an optimization mechanism, the concept of sustainability of social relations, the concept of production and distribution of economic benefits in order to meet the needs of each of the subjects.

scholarly journals Trade Unions in the Comfort Zone: Liberal Authority in Yeltsin’s Russia.

2009 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Norma Jo Baker
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Social Partnership ◽  
New Era ◽  
Economic Relations

While much has been written on the failure of the Yeltsin presidency and the transformation of Russian society since 1991, little work has been done that illustrates the participation of established liberal democracies in supporting Yeltsin’s authoritarian, politically unresponsive ‘superpresidentialism,’ or linking this support to the authoritarian nature of the modern liberal democratic project itself. By examining Russian trade union culture and history, as well as international trade union representative involvement, this paper argues that the persistent neglect of unions in the 1990s to challenge social relations of production can be understood as paradigmatic of an authoritarian dynamic focused on the political elite rather than on their membership. With international support, the regime’s concern was with the dismantling of Soviet economic relations and social institutions. Working from the culture and history of Russian trade unions, the unions’ efforts to retain a place in the new era through a strategy of ‘social partnership,’ combined with the collapse of the social welfare system, reinforced a top-down inertia characteristic of the unions. The result, predictably, was an era marked by a politics of irresponsibility, a political ethic is not indicative of an inherent Russian authoritarianism, but that of the authoritarian nature of the liberal modernity itself.

The Final Stage of the Minority Revolution in the United States. Upward Mobility of Minorities to the Corridors of Power

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2-1) ◽  
pp. 62-91
Author(s):  
Irina Zhezhko-Braun ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
The Government

This article is the third and final in a series dealing with the birth of a new political elite in the United States, the minority elite. In previous articles, the mechanism of its appearance was analyzed, as well as its ideology, goals, program and values. The black movement, as the most co-organized of all protest movements, is entering the final phase of its development, being engaged in the placement of its representatives in state and federal governments, political parties and other social institutions. The women’s movement has recently been taken over by ethnic movements, primarily blacks, and has become their vanguard. This article describes new social elevators for the promotion of minority representatives into the corridors of power. The logic of promoting people of their own race, gender and nationality to the highest branches of power began to prevail over other criteria for recruiting personnel. During the 2020 election campaign, a new mechanism for promoting minorities in all branches of government was formed. It is based on numerous violations of local and federal electoral legislation. The mechanism of pressure on the US electoral system is analyzed using the example of the state of Georgia and the activities of politician Stacey Abrams. The article describes Abrams’ strategy to create a network of NGOs that are focused on one mission - to arrange for the political shift of the state in the elections. These organizations circumvented existing laws, making the state of Georgia the record holder for electoral irregularities and lawsuits. The article shows that Abrams’ struggle with the electoral laws of her state is based on the political myth of the voter suppression of minorities. The author identifies a number of common characteristics of the new elite. The minority elite does not show any interest in social reconciliation and overcoming racial conflict, but rather makes efforts to incite the latter, to attract the government to its side and increase its role in establishing “social justice” through racial quotas and infringement of the rights of those social strata that it has appointed bearers of systematic racism in society. As the colored elite increases and the government’s role in resolving racial conflicts grows, the minority movement is gradually condemned, it ceases to be a true grassroots movement and turns into astroturfing.

Joanna Russ and the New Wave

Joanna Russ ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 20-38
Author(s):  
Gwyneth Jones
Keyword(s):  
Science Fiction ◽  
Star Trek ◽  
New Wave ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Joanna Russ ◽  
Modernist Novel ◽  
The 1960S

“Experiment and Experience” covers Joanna’s first years as a reviewer for the Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction, under the editorship of Judith Merril, and her first post as a university teacher at Cornell, and discusses modernism in sf, Joanna’s role as interpreter of the British “New Worlds” writers and the American New Wave and her response to the protest movements and cultural revolutions of the 1960s (in the psychedelic “Modernist novel by a Star Trek fan”) And Chaos Died. Essays and stories (1968-1971) examined include the important “The Wearing Out of Genre Materials,” and autobiographical short fictions that foreshadow The Female Man and illuminate And Chaos Died.

Social and Economic Factors of Development

2020 ◽  
pp. 21-46
Author(s):  
Bogdan Ershov ◽  
Natalia Muhina ◽  
Igor Asmarov
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Social Factors ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Quantitative Composition ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
The People ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Social ◽  
Material State

Russian statehood has more than a thousand-year history and traditions. It is obvious that the social, economic, and political development of the country had its direct or indirect influence on the Russian state and statehood itself. Therefore, in this chapter we separately single out the social factors of the development of Russian statehood and the economic factors of the development of Russian statehood, which stand apart from each other. Social factors in the development of Russian statehood are factors in the development of society as a single and complex organism and its social institutions. Social factors are, in essence, domestic political, because they represent the political and spiritual state of the elite and the people, the established system of social relations, internal social contradictions, and social conflicts. The economic factors of the development of Russian statehood are divided into external and internal ones. External economic factors are the proximity or remoteness from the trade routes, and the qualitative and quantitative composition of the country's exports and imports. Internal economic factors are the achieved material state of society, the availability of natural resources and their involvement in the economy, the availability of transport and production infrastructure and its development, and economic crises.

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